6. PART SIX. THE STORY IN ORDER

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The Lyrans, and the seeding of this solar system

The account begins a very long way back, and not on this planet.

The esoteric sources hold that the first people in this galaxy were the Lyrans, from the constellation we call Lyra. They are described as humanoid and mammalian, with feline features, peaceful, and of a high vibration. Everything humanoid in this part of the galaxy descends from them. In my own sessions with Jim Charles, and in the published Bashar material, the figure given is that something like forty percent of the galaxy is populated by their descendants.

That single fact carries a great deal of what follows. It is the reason all the peoples in this book can interbreed. They are not strangers meeting. They are branches of one family, separated for very long periods and still close enough to have children together.

About half a billion years ago, on this account, the Lyrans came to this solar system and seeded it. Not one world but several, along with stars in the neighbouring cluster. They put life where life could live.

Maldek

Then, the sources say, came others, and they were not peaceful.

A planet called Maldek once orbited between Mars and Jupiter. Giant bipedal reptilians lived on it, militant where the Lyrans were peaceful, and large in body because their world was large.

Maldek was destroyed. Bashar describes it as destroyed through collisions with other bodies while the system was still young, and connects the destruction to a long working-out of what he calls ancient Orion negativity. The remains of that planet are the asteroid belt.

The reptilian descendants who survived it became smaller, and a few of them remain, in a different phase from ours, still interfering here.

Mars

The sources then move the story to Mars, which they say was habitable and inhabited.

Mars was destroyed in turn, and by the same means. Bashar describes asteroid bombardment stripping away its atmosphere and leaving the desert we see now. The Law of One describes a population brought from Mars into earthly incarnation, with the physical vehicle altered to receive them.

Bashar calls the whole sequence a hop, skip and jump through the solar system: Maldek, then Mars, then here. Each world in turn supporting life, each in turn losing it, and the population moving on.

He adds one flat statement to go with it. There are no indigenous beings on any other planet in this system now.

The sources disagree about when

Bashar has both worlds destroyed while the system was young, which places them very deep.

The Law of One does not. Ra puts the destruction of Maldek at around five hundred thousand years ago, correcting an earlier figure of seven hundred and five thousand, and the transfer of the Martian population to Earth at about seventy-five thousand years ago.

Those are not reconcilable. One account has these events near the formation of the solar system and the other has them inside the span of our own species.

I leave the disagreement standing. One thing about Ra's dating is worth carrying forward: seventy-five thousand years ago is where Toba erupts and where Bashar places a destruction. The Martian arrival, on Ra's chronology, lands in the same window as the fire.

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Lemuria

The Lemurians are the Third Root Race, and the first that comes fully into flesh.

The two before them left nothing to find. The First, the Polarian, is described as ethereal, made of etheric matter. The Second, the Hyperborean, is still subtle, though it has begun to gather. Neither had a body in any sense the ground could keep, which is why the record this book examines begins where it does.

The Lemurians are where that changes, and the change is gradual. Steiner describes their bodies as not yet finished into the fixed form ours has, still answerable to the will working on them. They are in this world without being entirely of it, and the accounts of them read as descriptions of beings not fully phased into physical matter.

Blavatsky is clear that they did not evolve here. Each Root Race arrives, and none of them grows out of the one before, and the Lemurians were seeded onto this planet by extraterrestrial races.

What they had

Mind arrives in them. Steiner puts the moment in the middle of the Lemurian period: humanity became ready to receive Manas, which is the thinking principle, and the beings who brought it are named the Sons of Mind, who had passed through the human stage in earlier ages elsewhere.

They had no speech. They communicated by telepathy, thought passing directly from one to another, and language came later as the telepathy began to fade.

So the picture is of a people who saw more than we do, spoke less, and were less solidly here.

When they were here. DRAFT

Blavatsky places the Third Race far back in what she calls the Secondary Age, which is the Mesozoic, two hundred and fifty million years ago to sixty-six million. The age of the dinosaurs.

And she does not end it there.

The Atlantic portion of Lemuria was not discarded when Atlantis began. It became the ground Atlantis developed on.

Scott-Elliot is more specific. The first Atlantean sub-race, the Rmoahals, arose four to five million years ago, on a spur of Lemurian land near what is now the West African coast. Large parts of Lemuria still existed. He says Lemuria lasted far longer than Atlantis and cannot be dated with the same accuracy.

So the first Atlanteans were born inside surviving Lemurian country, and the two overlapped for millions of years.

Four things under one name. DRAFT

The Third Race as a process. Mesozoic and earlier. A long biological episode.

The Lemuro-Atlantean transition. Millions of years, geographically continuous. Atlantic Lemuria becoming early Atlantis.

The recognisable Atlantic civilization. Four to five million years ago, at its height around one million.

And the remnants, surviving through repeated catastrophes into the Pleistocene.

Modern regression material goes further and has Lemuria and Atlantis running as contemporaries.

So the Denisovans at six hundred thousand years are a late Lemurian people.

Miocene Atlantis. DRAFT

That is Blavatsky's own phrase.

The sinking began in the Eocene and culminated in the Miocene. First the largest landmass, then surviving islands afterward.

The Miocene runs from twenty-three million years ago to five point three three million.

Which is where the Mediterranean dried and refilled.

She had no Messinian salinity crisis to read. It was found in 1970.

The land was not arranged as it is now

Describing Lemuria by reference to Madagascar, Ceylon, Sumatra and Australia makes it sound like a country stitched together out of places that are far apart. In the Mesozoic they were not far apart. They were one landmass.

Geologists call it Gondwana. It held Africa, South America, Madagascar, India, Antarctica and Australia, joined together as a single southern continent. India sat against Madagascar. Australia sat against Antarctica. The Indian Ocean as we know it did not exist.

Now set Blavatsky's list beside that. Madagascar. Ceylon. Sumatra. Australia. Tasmania. Far into the Pacific. A reach that runs from the east coast of Africa across to the Americas.

Those are the pieces of Gondwana, named in the language of a nineteenth-century atlas because that was the only language available to her.

Which changes what the sinking was

The accounts say Lemuria was lost and left fragments. Read against the Mesozoic, that is not a continent going under water. It is a continent coming apart.

Gondwana broke up over tens of millions of years. India separated from Madagascar around eighty-eight million years ago and drifted north until it collided with Asia, which is what raised the Himalayas. Australia separated from Antarctica later and moved north to where it now sits. South America and Africa parted and the Atlantic opened between them.

What remains of that land is scattered across the Indian Ocean and the southern hemisphere as islands and separate continents. Which is exactly how the esoteric sources describe the remnants of Mu: Australia, the Pacific islands, pieces here and there.

The mechanism is drift, and drift is the more remarkable of the two, because nobody knew it was happening. Continental movement was a crank position until the nineteen sixties. Blavatsky described a southern land that broke into pieces, in 1888, when the accepted view was that continents stood still.

One further detail

The name itself came from the same problem.

In 1864 the zoologist Philip Sclater needed to explain why lemurs live both in Madagascar and in India, with an ocean between them. He proposed a sunken land bridge and called it Lemuria after the animals.

The modern answer is that Madagascar and India were joined, in Gondwana, and drifted apart. Sclater was right that there had been a connection and wrong about how it ended. And the name he coined for a land that never sank was taken up by Blavatsky for a land that never sank either, but came apart instead.

And one piece of it did go under

Antarctica was warm through most of the Mesozoic, forested, with rivers and animals living on it. It sits now beneath ice two miles thick.

A piece of the Lemurian continent, on this reading, is still there and has been buried for thirty million years.

How it ended

In fire.

Blavatsky states the alternation as a rule: each Root Race closes in a cataclysm, and the cataclysms alternate between fire and water. Lemuria takes the fire.

Steiner gives it in detail. The ground was thin and undermined everywhere by volcanic forces, with mighty volcanoes almost everywhere, and that fire took the land in the end.

The country described is the western Pacific rim, which is the most volcanically active ground on the surface of this planet and has been throughout the period in question.

And they were not one people

Every Root Race divides into seven sub-races, and the sub-races are peoples in their own right, with their own countries and their own periods. Scott-Elliot names the seventh Lemurian sub-race as the stock from which the Atlantean nucleus was drawn.

So Lemuria was seven peoples across an immense span, and any single line that survived carries only its own portion of that.

Which is exactly what the genetics shows. The Denisovans, taken as one people in the earlier parts of this book, are themselves several. Two distinct Denisovan lineages appear in Papuan genomes, separated from each other by more than three hundred and fifty thousand years before either met our ancestors, and a third turns up in East Asians.

Several Denisovan peoples, long divided, each feeding a different set of living descendants.

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What the planet was doing

The esoteric sources give a sequence of peoples. The ground gives a sequence of events. Here is the second one, because the two have to occupy the same history.

What follows is the physical record, told plainly, with the esoteric sequence set into it where the two touch.

Three billion years of almost nothing

The planet formed about four and a half billion years ago. Life appears remarkably soon afterward, within the first billion years, and then does almost nothing for three billion more.

That is the largest fact in the history of life on this world and it is rarely stated as one. For three quarters of the time there has been life here, it was single cells. No animals, no plants, no bones, nothing with a shape worth describing.

Then, suddenly, everything

Around five hundred and forty million years ago that stops. In a span of a few tens of millions of years, which against three billion is an eyeblink, complex animals appear. Not one kind but nearly all the kinds: the ancestors of arthropods, molluscs, worms, and the first animals with a backbone. Almost every basic body plan alive today shows up in that window and hardly any new ones have appeared since.

It is called the Cambrian explosion. Darwin knew it was a problem for his theory and said so. It remains one. The standard explanations involve rising oxygen, the evolution of eyes, and the beginning of predation, and none of them accounts for the suddenness to everyone's satisfaction.

This is where the Lyran seeding falls.

The figure the esoteric sources give for the seeding of this solar system is about half a billion years ago. The Cambrian explosion is five hundred and forty million years ago. Those are the same date.

And a second source lands on the same window from a different direction. The Lundager material describes a mass extinction roughly half a billion years ago, after which the Earth accepted what it calls reptilian codes. Reptilian beings then began experimenting with physical genetics on this planet, and those experiments are said to have produced the dinosaurs.

So two esoteric sources, working independently, place a deliberate introduction of genetic material at the point where the physical record shows complex animal life arriving without adequate explanation. One calls it a seeding and the other calls it a genetic project.

I record that without leaning on it. Both figures are round numbers received through channelers, and round numbers land on things. What can be said is that the esoteric account puts deliberate genetic work at the Cambrian, and that the Cambrian is the largest unexplained event in the history of life here.

Whether the Lyrans did that particular seeding is not established. Other races may have. Bashar's position is more general still: nothing on this planet is native, and all of it arrived from elsewhere, by deliberate placement or by drifting through space.

Seeding and evolution are not alternatives

This is the place to say something that the rest of the book depends on.

The argument is not that evolution does not happen. It plainly does, and it is observable, and nothing here disputes it.

The argument is that seeding also happens, from time to time, and that evolution runs between seedings. Material is introduced. It then evolves for a very long period under ordinary pressures. Later, more material is introduced. The record of such a history would show long stretches of gradual change punctuated by sudden appearances that gradualism cannot account for.

Which is what the record shows.

Four times almost everything died

After the Cambrian, life on this planet was nearly ended four times before the extinction everyone has heard of.

The worst was about two hundred and fifty million years ago, at the end of the Permian. Something like nine in ten marine species died and three quarters of land species with them. The likeliest cause is an enormous and prolonged volcanic eruption in what is now Siberia, which poured out lava across an area the size of Europe for perhaps a million years, poisoned the air, and acidified the seas. Life took ten million years to recover.

The dinosaurs appear in the world that recovery produced, and another extinction about two hundred million years ago cleared their remaining competitors out of the way.

On Blavatsky's dating the Lemurians are here through the whole of the age that follows.

The land comes apart

Around a hundred and eighty million years ago the single supercontinent begins to break.

Before that, all the land on this planet was joined. The southern half of it, holding Africa, South America, Madagascar, India, Antarctica and Australia, is called Gondwana.

It separated slowly and it is still separating. India broke away from Madagascar and drifted north for tens of millions of years until it struck Asia, which is what pushed up the Himalayas. Australia broke from Antarctica. The Atlantic opened between Africa and the Americas and has been widening ever since at about the rate a fingernail grows.

Nobody knew any of this until the nineteen sixties. Before then, continental movement was a fringe position and the people who argued for it were not taken seriously.

This is the Lemurian break-up. The esoteric sources describe a southern land that was lost and left fragments scattered through the Indian and Pacific oceans. That is Gondwana, and the mechanism is drift.

The asteroid

Sixty-six million years ago a rock about ten kilometres across struck what is now the Yucatan peninsula in Mexico.

The crater is a hundred and eighty kilometres wide and it is still there, buried under later rock and found by oil surveys. The impact threw enough material into the atmosphere to darken the sky worldwide for years. Photosynthesis largely stopped. The food chains collapsed from the bottom.

The dinosaurs had held this planet for a hundred and eighty million years. They ended in what was, on any reasonable estimate, a matter of months to a few years.

Three quarters of all species on Earth went with them.

And the world that was left

What followed was warm, empty and open.

The survivors were small. Nothing large was in possession of anything. And the climate went up: about fifty-six million years ago the world warmed by five to eight degrees in a span of perhaps twenty thousand years, which is very fast, and stayed hot for the next several million.

That period is the warmest this planet has been since the dinosaurs died. Forests grew at both poles. Crocodiles lived in the Arctic. There was no ice anywhere on Earth.

And that is exactly where Koot Hoomi places the height of the Atlantean cycle.

Then it cooled

The heat did not last. The world has been cooling, unevenly, for the last fifty million years.

Around thirty-four million years ago Antarctica froze, and it has been under ice ever since. A continent that had been forested, with rivers and animals on it, went white and stayed white.

On the reading set out above, a piece of the Lemurian land is under that ice.

And the sea left the Mediterranean

The last event in this sequence is the one Part Three is built around.

Between about six million and five and a third million years ago the Mediterranean dried, its floor standing kilometres below the ocean outside it. Then the barrier at Gibraltar failed and the Atlantic came back in, refilling the basin within months.

That is where the Atlantean geography can be tested, and Part Three does the testing.

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Atlantis

The dinosaurs end sixty-six million years ago, and the Fourth Race comes into its own in the world they leave behind.

Koot Hoomi places the height of the Atlantean cycle in the very first part of the Eocene, which is around fifty million years ago. That is the warmest and most hospitable stretch this planet has had since. The poles were forested. Crocodiles lived in the Arctic. And nothing large was in possession of anything, because whatever had held the world for the previous hundred and eighty million years was gone.

Blavatsky says that Atlantis was the whole earth in the day of the Fourth Race.

What they were

Bodies consolidate in them. The Fourth is called the first fully human Race in the Theosophical account, the one in which the physical form reached its finished state. Where the Lemurians were not entirely phased into matter, the Atlanteans were.

And with that came the trade. Speech arrives, and direct thought recedes. Steiner traces the exchange precisely, and it begins at the opening of the Fourth Race with something he calls the magic word: among the first Atlantean sub-race, a spoken word had power as well as meaning, so that naming a thing acted upon it. As ordinary language came forward that faculty was gradually lost, and by the middle of the Race it had less and less effect on the outside world.

Their perception was pictorial and dreamlike. Blavatsky says they were born with a sight which embraced all living things, independent of distance and of material obstacle.

Steiner says they built without engineering knowledge, on a faculty of imagination that worked with the sureness of instinct, seeing directly how much a beam would carry and where a stone would hold.

What they built with

The life force itself, and specifically the germinating power held in seeds. Steiner says they knew how to put the growth energy of organisms into the service of their technology. They stored seed in quantity and drew the force out of it, and their vessels floated a short way above the ground.

He adds a condition that makes it intelligible. Neither their bodies nor the air around them were as dense as ours. The atmosphere was thicker, the water thinner, and the world more answerable to will working upon it. A technology of that kind requires a world of that kind, and both faded together.

Scott-Elliot gives the same from another angle, calling the earliest motive power personal vril, carried in the operator, and says it was later replaced by something generated mechanically.

The same knowledge went into living things. Scott-Elliot credits their agricultural schools with making the banana out of a wild seed-filled thing like an elongated melon, by centuries of guided selection.

And what they made of people

Cayce describes a third class in Atlantis alongside the Atlanteans proper. He calls them the things and the automatons: beings bred for labour in underground laboratories beneath the cities, some carrying tails or feathers or scales.

And he says the quarrel over them is what destroyed the civilization. It split into two parties. The Children of the Law of One held that the soul is given by the Creator, that these beings therefore had souls, and that they should be raised in consciousness. The Sons of Belial held no standard save self and self-aggrandizement, and wanted the servant class kept ignorant and kept working.

That quarrel recurs across the channeled material as the central sin of Atlantis and as the reason it was destroyed.

Where they were

Here the sources divide, and the division has a resolution.

Plato puts Atlantis beyond the strait between Spain and Morocco. Kircher's map of 1665 put it mid-ocean between Spain and America, and every popular picture since descends from that. Blavatsky and Scott-Elliot and Cayce all keep it Atlantic.

Finyet gives something different. A long curved island running from the Greek islands, down the middle of the Mediterranean, out through the strait, and along the front of Portugal into the Atlantic.

The resolution is in the timescale. A country that lasted tens of millions of years and shrank the whole time has more than one shape, and the sources are describing different centuries of it. The Atlantic placement is the earlier and larger country. The Mediterranean arc is the late shape, and it is the one that can be tested against the ground.

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From the height to the fall

Between the Atlantean height and the making of us there are some fifty million years, and a great deal happens in them. The world changes shape, it cools, the primates appear, and the country the Fourth Race held is destroyed.

The land keeps moving

The break-up that scattered Lemuria did not stop. It went on, and two of its collisions matter here.

India, having drifted north for tens of millions of years after leaving Madagascar, struck Asia around fifty million years ago and is still pushing. The Himalayas are the result, and they are still rising.

And Africa began pushing north into Europe. That collision built the Alps, closed most of the seaway that had separated the two continents, and eventually narrowed the western outlet to a single strait between Spain and Morocco.

That strait is the one everything in Part Three turns on.

The world cools

The heat of the Atlantean height did not last. From about fifty million years ago the world has been cooling, unevenly, and it has never gone back. The freezing of Antarctica falls in that decline and is described above.

The primates arrive

Meanwhile, in the forests, the animals that would eventually matter are appearing.

The first true primates show up not long after the dinosaurs end. They are small, they live in trees, and for tens of millions of years they are unremarkable.

Around twenty-five million years ago the apes separate from the monkeys. Around fifteen million the great apes diversify. And around seven million years ago one line separates from the ancestors of the chimpanzees and begins walking upright.

That is our line, and the date matters for what comes next.

The sinking begins

From the esoteric sources. Koot Hoomi is one of the two Mahatmas from whom Blavatsky received her material, and his letters to A. P. Sinnett were written in the early eighteen eighties. He is precise about this, and his precision is the reason the first volume of this book exists.

The sinking of Atlantis, he writes, meaning the group of continents and isles, began during the Miocene. The Miocene runs from twenty-three million years ago to a little over five million. So on his account the country was going down through that entire span, gradually, the way he says certain continents are observed to be sinking now.

And he gives the culmination. It coincided, he says, with the elevation of the Alps.

The fall

Around six million years ago the strait at Gibraltar closed.

The Mediterranean loses more water to evaporation than its rivers supply, and it stays full only because the Atlantic flows in. With the strait shut, it began to disappear. Within a geologically short time the basin was largely dry, its floor lying kilometres below the level of the ocean outside, with salt flats and brine lakes at the lowest points.

That is the only window in the last twenty million years in which the geography stands above water that Finyet describes. Finyet is the Atlantean voice who speaks through the trance channel Jim Charles, in the weekly sessions I have been holding for some years. Asked what Atlantis looked like, he gave a long curved island running from the Greek islands, down the middle of the Mediterranean, out through the strait between Spain and Morocco, and along the front of Portugal.

That account and the argument built on it are set out in full in the first volume of this book. What follows here is the same event placed in its position in the sequence.

It lasted about six hundred thousand years.

Then the barrier failed. The Atlantic came back through the gap between Spain and Morocco, cutting a channel two hundred kilometres long through the sill, and refilled most of the Mediterranean within months to a couple of years. The water level inside the basin rose something like ten metres a day at the peak.

Every living thing in that sea died. Species turnover across the boundary exceeds thirty percent in every group that has been examined, and the land faunas around it reorganise completely.

And this happened at the end of the Miocene, at the moment the Alps were doing the bulk of their rising, which is exactly where Koot Hoomi put it in 1882.

What was alive to see it

Here the two tracks have to be held apart before they are held together.

From the physical record. At five million years ago the ancestors of modern humans were small and upright and lived in Africa. The line had separated from the ancestors of the chimpanzees about two million years earlier. Stone tools do not appear for another two million years after the flood, and the genus Homo not for another two and a half million.

From the esoteric sources. The Atlanteans at that date had cities, an artificial climate, a scientific establishment and a technology that worked directly on living force.

So the two accounts, laid side by side, put a civilization and a wild population on the same planet at the same time. Which is precisely what the channeled sources describe. Khufu, speaking through the same channel as Finyet, says the Atlanteans lived in cities while the early humans lived in the wild.

On my reading the wildness was not a stage we had not yet grown out of. It was what we were made for. A population seeded into the wilderness outside the cities, built to survive there.

One further point, and I raise it without settling it. The physical record describes our line separating from the chimpanzees, which reads as two wild lineages diverging. Several esoteric sources read the apes differently: as products of the same experimental work, lines that were begun and then left, or that fell away from what they had been. The Zohar says the peoples before Adam were like monkeys. The Popol Vuh, the K'iche' Maya book from Guatemala, says the earlier humanity became the monkeys when it was destroyed.

If that is right, then a separation the physical record dates at seven million years ago is not two animals drifting apart. It is two outcomes of the same programme.

What both accounts agree on is the part that matters here. Whoever the Atlanteans were, they were not descended from anything then living on this planet. They arrived.

Afterward

The five million years between the flood and the making of us are the long decline, and they are mostly silent in both records.

On the physical side: the Panama isthmus closes and rearranges the world's ocean currents. Around two and a half million years ago the ice ages begin, and from then on the planet swings between glacial and warm on a regular beat. Our own line produces stone tools at about three million, the genus Homo at two and a half, and a people called Homo erectus who walk out of Africa at around two million and spread across Asia.

On the esoteric side: islands going down one after another, and remnants.

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The long decline

What follows the flood at the gate is five million years of ending, and the esoteric sources are unusually consistent about its shape.

Atlantis did not go under at once. It went in stages, over a period longer than our own species has existed, each stage taking another piece.

Blavatsky gives the sequence. The main continent goes first. Two large islands remain and are lost around eight hundred and fifty thousand years ago. A smaller one goes about two hundred and seventy thousand years ago. And the last island, the one Plato heard of, goes at the end.

So by the time anything in this story becomes measurable in a genome, the great country is long gone and what is left is remnants on islands.

That fact governs everything in the second half of this book. Every crossing the genetics can see happened during the decline. None of them reaches the height.

What a remnant becomes

The sources describe scattering.

Cayce has survivors going to Egypt, to the Yucatan, to Peru and the Andes, to the Pyrenees, and to the country that is now Nevada and Colorado. Finyet has the Atlanteans finally leaving the planet altogether, gathering their technology and going, while the Lemurians relocated instead, to North America, to New Zealand and the land near it, and to Crete.

A people in that condition changes. Small groups, cut off from one another, living hard. Whatever they had been at their height, the descendants who eventually met our ancestors were something else.

Which is why the height of Atlantis cannot be tested against the fossil record, and why the seven feet Finyet describes proves nothing in either direction.

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How we were made

Somewhere in that long decline, we were made.

The physical record gives a set of dates for it and the esoteric sources give a process. They do not contradict each other. They describe the same events from different sides.

The dates

Around a million years ago, on the Urantia account, the human line begins from a single pair.

Around eight hundred thousand years ago the Korimian line separates from our ancestors, and the ancestral breeding population contracts sharply. How sharply is disputed, and the figure most often given is a few thousand individuals, held for a very long time.

Around six hundred thousand years ago the line divides again. One branch becomes the Neanderthals and the Denisovans. The other becomes us.

Around three hundred thousand years ago the modern human form settles into what it still is. The oldest bones with a modern face come from Morocco and are that old, and counting backward through the DNA of living people gives the same answer.

The process

Read from the esoteric side, that sequence is not a series of accidents.

The account is that we were assembled. Material from twenty or more extraterrestrial races went into it, together with the two parahuman peoples already living here, the Lemurians and the Atlanteans. The work was done deliberately, in laboratories, by people who could try a thing and try it again, which is how lineages far apart were made to breed at all.

The Atlanteans did a great deal of it themselves. Cayce describes the underground laboratories beneath their cities. Enki describes surveying the early human kinds and building a greater human out of the stock that suited, and says the line finally used was the second best, because the first could not be worked with.

And there was more than one operation running. Enki says the Arcturians held the Asian region from the beginning and that his own group did not interfere there.

Where the two accounts meet

A contraction to a few thousand individuals is what the genetics sees. A chosen founding stock is what the sources describe. Those are the same shape.

A bottleneck is one narrow point through which everyone afterward descends. A near-extinction produces it. So does a founding. The genome records the narrowness and says nothing about the cause.

And the division at six hundred thousand years, which biology reads as one population splitting under geographical pressure, reads on the other account as more than one version being run at once. The Neanderthals are one of them.

And what was left out

The account says the making was downward.

We were built from peoples of great capacity and what was made was smaller than what went into it. Telepathy reduced. Compassion reduced. Competitiveness left running.

That is the claim, and the rest of this book is largely about what followed from it.

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Why peoples do not mix, and what changes that

From here the story becomes one of crossings, and the crossings need a word of explanation before they arrive.

The genome shows several occasions on which one parahuman people bred into another. Those occasions are dated, and they are separated by very long silences. The peoples in question lived on the same planet for hundreds of thousands of years without exchanging children, and then, at particular moments, exchanged a great many.

The silences are the thing to explain.

The barrier

Peoples do not mix freely. There is usually a resistance at the boundary between human groups, and it is usually defended.

Tribes hold territory. Mates are guarded. Marriage across a boundary is often discouraged and sometimes forbidden. Every people alive has words for the ones who are not their own.

How strong that resistance is varies a great deal, between societies and between periods. Some societies mix readily and some do not, and the same society will do one and then the other depending on circumstances. Even in this book's own material the barrier is soft in places: the channeled sources describe Neanderthals and humans living alongside one another and exchanging mates without any catastrophe involved.

So it is a tendency. But it is real enough that two peoples can live near each other for a very long time without much crossing, which is what the long silences in the genetic record show.

What breaks it

Two things, and they are equally likely.

The first is conquest. One people takes another. The men of the conquering group father children on the women of the conquered, and the crossing that follows is not a merging of equals. That is the commonest pattern in every case we can actually observe in history, and it leaves a particular mark on the X chromosome, which Part Three sets out.

The second is displacement. When a homeland becomes uninhabitable the people on it move, and they keep moving until they find somewhere that will hold them.

A moving people is not necessarily a weak one. It arrives with its warriors and its arms, driven by need, and it takes what it requires when the receiving population will not yield it. Refugees are not always received kindly, and where resources are short they are often not received at all.

So displacement and conquest are not two separate scenarios. Displacement usually produces conquest, and both produce crossing.

What matters here is that the crossing happens, and that it happens after a disturbance.

So the sequence is disturbance, then movement, then crossing

Which suggests something to look for, and it can be looked for in two ways.

The first needs no esoteric sources at all. If crossings follow disturbances, then the dates of the crossings in the genome should cluster with the dates of catastrophes in the geological and biological record. Eruptions, glacial maxima, abrupt climate reversals, sea-level surges. All of those are dated by physical means, and all of the crossings are dated by genetic means, and the two sets of dates were arrived at by people who were not thinking about each other.

So far as I can find, nobody has laid those two sets of dates side by side and asked whether they line up. That is an ordinary question in mainstream terms and it does not appear to have been asked.

To the best of my knowledge this has not been described before, so I will give it a name. Catastrophic introgression: a disturbance displaces a population, people move, and their DNA enters the peoples they arrive among. In plain terms, the shatter-and-mix rule.

Both halves of it sit on well-established records. Catastrophes are dated by geology and by the fossil record: eruptions from ash layers and radiometry, glacial cycles from ice cores and marine sediment, extinctions from the succession of species. Crossings are dated by population genetics from the length of the inherited stretches.

The second brings in the esoteric sources. They give their own dates for destructions, and those can go on the same line.

But that is one scenario out of several

Catastrophic introgression says that disturbance produces crossing. It does not say how, and once you start listing the ways, they multiply.

What follows came out of working the problem through, and out of no literature, and it makes no claim to be complete. Seven, numbered so they can be referred to later. There are probably others.

Scenario 1. Displacement. A homeland becomes uninhabitable and the whole population moves. It arrives somewhere already occupied and the two peoples merge, or fight, or both.

This is the version most people reach for first. It moves families, women included, so a crossing that followed it should show no bias toward either sex.

Two cases, four centuries apart.

In 1492 Spain expelled its Jews. Some converted and stayed, some left for the Ottoman lands and North Africa.

The ones who stayed married into the Spanish population. Living Spaniards and Portuguese carry something like ten to twenty percent Sephardic ancestry.

The ones who left kept apart. Their descendants are still genetically distinguishable five hundred years later.

Same people, same year, same expulsion. What separated them was conversion. Cultural, not biological.

In the eighteen forties the Irish potato crop failed and about a million people died and another million left, mostly for America. They arrived as families, they were poor, and they were disliked. Within three generations they had married into the general population and Irish descent in America today is spread through everybody.

So displacement by itself decides nothing. Both populations moved. One mixed and one did not, and the difference was on the receiving side.

Scenario 2. Conquest. One people takes another and holds the ground. The men of the conquering group father children on the women of the conquered.

Two cases, and both are measured.

American slavery. Twelve million Africans were taken across the Atlantic over about three hundred and fifty years.

African Americans today carry roughly a quarter European ancestry. That did not come from marriage. It came from slave owners and overseers fathering children on enslaved women.

And the direction is visible. Look at the Y chromosome, which passes father to son, and about a third of African American men carry a European one. Look at the mitochondrial DNA, which passes mother to child, and it is almost entirely African.

European men, African women. One direction, almost no traffic the other way.

Genghis Khan. He conquered most of Asia in the early twelve hundreds. Mongolia to Persia to China to the edge of Europe.

The genetic finding came in 2003. About one in two hundred men alive today carries very nearly the same Y chromosome, and it is spread across exactly the territory the Mongols took, from Manchuria to the Caspian.

That is around sixteen million men descended in the male line from one man who lived eight hundred years ago.

The proposal is that the man was Genghis Khan or someone very close to him. Not proven, since nobody has his body, and the date and the geography fit.

How it happened is straightforward. He and his sons took whatever women they wanted across an empire, generation after generation, and their sons inherited the same privilege.

One man's male line, in sixteen million living people. In the male line only, at a scale nothing else in history matches.

Scenario 3. Bride capture. A party of men goes out, takes women, and brings them home. No land changes hands. The other people is not conquered or ruled. The men go back to their own settlement with wives.

Why this is separate from conquest. Conquest needs an army and it takes territory. Bride capture needs twenty men and a few days' walk. It is the cheapest way to get the same result, and two small hunting bands could do it.

The Barbary corsairs. From the fifteen hundreds to the early eighteen hundreds, North African raiders sailed out of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli.

They took captives off European ships and off European coasts. Not only the Mediterranean shore. They reached Cornwall, they reached Ireland, and in 1627 they raided Iceland and carried off several hundred people.

Something like a million Europeans were taken over those three centuries.

The men were put to the oars or ransomed. The women went into households in North Africa, and they stayed, and they had children there. Their descendants are North African today.

The Crimean raids. Larger, and further north.

The Crimean Khanate was a Tatar state on the Black Sea and a vassal of the Ottomans. From the fourteen hundreds to the seventeen hundreds their business was raiding north for people.

They rode into Russia, Ukraine and Poland, took captives, and sold them at Caffa in the Crimea. The Ottomans bought them.

The scale is enormous. Estimates run to about two million people over three centuries. Some years the raids brought back tens of thousands at once.

The men went to the galleys. The women went into Ottoman households, and the higher a household stood, the more likely the women in it were Slavic.

And it reached the top. Roxelana was a Ruthenian girl taken in a raid in the fifteen twenties, sold into the harem, and she became the legal wife of Suleiman the Magnificent and the mother of the next Sultan. Unusual in degree, not in kind.

The Russian word for the tribute of captives is yasyr. The southern frontier was built around defending against it, and Moscow paid the Crimea for a long time to reduce it.

Now the signature this leaves, which runs opposite to conquest.

In bride capture the women move. The raiders go out and come home. So in North Africa and in the Ottoman lands the incoming DNA is European and Slavic, and it arrived through women. Female-biased, measured in the raiders' own population.

Conquest is the reverse. The men move and stay, and the incoming DNA arrives through men, measured in the conquered population.

So the two leave opposite marks, and which one you see depends on which side you are standing on.

Which matters here. The parahuman crossings we can measure are male-biased on the incoming side. That is the conquest shape.

And there is one crossing in this book that runs the other way. The earliest one, modern human DNA entering the Neanderthals a quarter of a million years ago, is female-biased.

That is the bride-capture signature, and it points at the Neanderthals as the raiders.

Scenario 4. Ranging parties. The settlement stays where it is, because women, children and the old cannot travel fast. When the food supply worsens the hunting parties go further, in packs, and stay away longer.

And then there is the part that matters. A man alone in wild country dies. Animals, weather, injury, and nobody to help. Staying alive out there takes fire, shelter, stored food and other people. So a party that has gone too far to return walks until it finds a settlement, and then joins it, because joining is what keeps them alive.

The selection runs on top of that. The ones who joined left descendants. The ones who stayed out in the woods left none.

So the mechanism is survival, and the male bias follows from it directly. A man arriving alone can only marry in.

Three cases.

Russian peasants running from serfdom. They fled south and east into open country. Alone they could not last. They reached the Cossack settlements, which took men in and asked nothing about where they had come from, and whole communities were built out of arrivals like that.

Runaway slaves in the Americas. They ran to the maroon settlements in Jamaica, Suriname and Brazil, and in Florida they ran to the Seminole, who were a people formed in Florida in the seventeen hundreds out of Creek migrants and others. The Seminole took the runaways in as full members, and their descendants are Seminole.

And immigrants, which everybody reading this has in the family somewhere. A man arrives alone in a new country with nobody of his own in it. He marries whoever will have him, and his children belong to the place.

And immigration has long been male first. The man goes, gets established, and sends for the family afterward if there is a family. Until quite recently that was the ordinary pattern nearly everywhere, and it is why so many immigrant populations start out heavily male.

Though the morals have softened and the pattern has turned over, and I can watch it turning. The Russian-language video blogs are full of women who have just arrived somewhere, or arrived a while ago, telling the story. Predominantly women. They left because what was at home was worse than anything they would find, and they are glad to be nearly anywhere else, because it is safer and their standing is better. A woman travelling alone is no longer scandalous, so she goes.

I see the same thing from the other end, in San Diego.

Which is a recent condition. For nearly the whole of the human past a woman could not do that. She had no standing to travel alone with and no protection on the road. The men went.

So the trace being laid down now runs the other way from the old ones. And the old ones, the ones we can measure in the genome, were made in a world where only men moved.

Scenario 5. Expansion under abundance. The opposite conditions. Food increases, or a predator declines, and the population grows into the new range.

The canyon below my house filled with rats last year. This year it has filled with coyotes. The prey rose first and the animals that live on it followed a season behind.

Applied to people, and across a longer interval, the same thing. A good period arrives, and the population grows into it a generation later. Growth brings contact.

Three cases.

Farming out of Anatolia. The geological part comes first. The last glaciation ended about eleven and a half thousand years ago, and the climate steadied into something it had not been for a hundred thousand years: warm, wet, and predictable from one year to the next. Nobody had farmed before because nobody could. Planting requires knowing roughly what next spring will do.

So farming begins in the Near East almost as soon as the weather allows it.

Then the human part. Between nine and six thousand years ago those farmers spread out of what is now Turkey into Europe. They had more food than the hunter-gatherers already there, so they had more children, and they kept moving into new ground.

They largely replaced the people they found. That is visible in ancient DNA now, and it is visible in living people too. Anyone of European descent who has had their ancestry tested will find Anatolian in it, usually a large share, and most of them have no idea why. That is why.

The green Sahara. Same warming, different result. The Earth's axis traces a slow circle, one turn in about twenty-six thousand years, and around ten thousand years ago that turn put northern summer at the point in the orbit closest to the sun. Northern summers got hotter, the land heated, and the monsoon rains were pulled north over the desert. They stayed for six thousand years.

What was there was not a few people scraping by. It was a populated country. Lakes big enough to hold hippopotamus and crocodile. Cattle herds. Fishing villages on shorelines that are now dunes. Cemeteries with hundreds of burials. And rock art across thousands of miles, painted in Algeria and Libya and Chad, showing cattle, hunts, dancers, and at Wadi Sura in Egypt a wall of people swimming.

Swimmers, in what is now the driest place on earth.

Then the axis turned further, the alignment drifted, and the monsoon moved back south. It took a few centuries, and the country dried out from under them.

They had to go somewhere, and the places they could reach were the Nile valley and the edges. Egypt begins shortly afterward. So does Nubia.

What the esoteric sources say was happening at the same time

Both of those expansions fall in one window, roughly nine to five thousand years ago, and the esoteric sources put a great deal into it.

Jim Charles, in a session in May 2022, divides the region. The Anunnaki were in the Sumerian area and the Greek areas more than in Egypt. The Egyptians knew about them, but what the Anunnaki were doing in Mesopotamia was DNA experimentation more than anything else. Science.

Egypt he describes differently. Trade and treaties and understanding, with a great many different species contributing, which is why the culture grew so fast and became so advanced.

And in the same passage he gives the climate from the inside. Egypt was desert when they started, and by the end it was coming out of the desert into something greener, and then it went back.

The same swing the physical record shows, described by somebody who says they were there.

Bashar gives the longer arc. The Anunnaki altered the hominid stock into us around five hundred thousand years ago, in the Middle East and Africa, for mining. They were not supposed to. The main Anunnaki council found out, was not pleased, and recalled that contingent. Then, feeling responsible for what had been made, some came back as guides and tutors, helped humanity grow, and eventually left it to go on alone.

So on this account the period in which farming spreads and the first states appear is also the period in which extraterrestrial tutors were present and then withdrew.

The Americas after the ice. Sixteen thousand years ago something opened and a small founding group filled two continents in about two thousand years. That is close to the fastest expansion anywhere in the record.

The standard reason is that the ice pulled back and the road south cleared.

On the reading in this book it was not only the ice. It was the Atlanteans going.

Which makes it a good illustration of this scenario. Abundance is whatever constraint has just lifted. Sometimes that is food. Here it was vacancy: a continent that had been held stopped being held, and the people who had been kept to the margins of it came into the middle.

Scenario 6. Necessity. They mix because the ones who do not, die.

This is the sixth way a parahuman people and our ancestors might have ended up with children between them. The other six are things that happen to a people. This one is a condition of staying alive.

Twenty-five people hold six or eight breeding pairs. Three generations on, everybody is somebody's cousin. Five generations on, there is no unrelated partner left. That is counting.

And closeness has a price. Everyone carries a few recessive faults that do nothing while the second copy is sound. Marry a stranger and the odds of both copies failing are small. Marry a cousin and they rise. Child mortality goes up, fertility goes down, and it compounds.

Conservation biology puts the minimum viable breeding population in the hundreds.

The Florida panther fell to about twenty-five animals. Heart defects, kinked tails, sperm failure. Eight females were brought in from Texas and it recovered.

Nobody has to know any of this. A tribe that takes in outsiders does better than one that does not, and the custom persists because the alternative fails.

So a people thin on the ground, with its own kind far away, takes partners from whoever is nearest. Sometimes that is another people entirely.

Which is the crossing this book is looking for. Not a raid and not a conquest. A band that has run out of cousins, taking whoever is there, and the people who are there being Neanderthals or Denisovans.

Unless the line is clean

One correction, and it opens something.

Inbreeding does not create faults. It exposes the ones already there. A line carrying nothing serious could breed within itself and suffer nothing.

Breeders use that. Inbreed hard, watch what comes out, remove whatever carries the faults. After enough generations the line is clean and inbreeding costs nothing. Every pedigree animal was made that way, and the price is paid upfront by the culling.

Which explains something. The Anunnaki are described as breeding within their own line. So are the royal houses claiming descent from them. So are the dragons, where the accounts give them lineages.

And the Anunnaki scheme was cleverer than that

The Sumerian material gives their succession rule, and it is not plain inbreeding.

The heir is the son of the ruler by his half-sister. Same father, different mother.

Enki and Enlil were both sons of Anu by different mothers, and the entire quarrel between them turns on which had the better claim. Ninhursag was Anu's daughter and sister to both, and a son by her would outrank a son by anyone else. Enki kept trying for one and kept getting daughters.

Look at what that rule does.

Half-siblings share one parent. So the father's line concentrates hard, generation after generation, while a different mother's line comes in each time.

Inbreeding on one axis and outbreeding on the other. You keep what you are selecting for and you keep refreshing everything else.

That is a breeding programme.

And Egypt ran the same thing at the top for three thousand years, brother and sister, and said they had it from the gods.

Whether it worked is another matter. The Ptolemies pushed it hardest and the Egyptian royal mummies show real damage.

The Habsburgs did the first half without the second. Two centuries of it produced Charles II of Spain, who could not chew properly and could not father a child.

But why bother

Which leaves the question standing. Why would the Anunnaki, and the royal bloodlines after them, go to those lengths to keep a line pure, and pay for it in health?

Two ideas, both out of my theoretical work on DNA resonance. The longer version is at dnaresonance.com.

Coherence. DNA is a regular polymer, highly ordered, and it structures the water around itself. On the model I have been developing, that ordered structure is what carries the connection to the soul. The higher the coherence, the harmony and the order in the DNA and its surrounding water, the better that connection, and the stronger what follows from it. Telepathy, and the other psychic and magical capacities.

Now put homozygosity into that. Homozygous means the copy from the mother and the copy from the father are identical. Two identical polymers hold a more coherent pattern together than two different ones.

So a pure bloodline would be more coherent, and would hold the connection better. Losing the purity means the maternal and paternal chromosomes differ substantially. Less coherence, and less power.

Shared pattern. A bloodline holding one clean and distinctive sequence would carry one vibrational pattern across all of its members. That is a connection between them: telepathic, and through the life force.

Dilute the line and the pattern is no longer shared. The members fall out of connection with each other, and out of connection with whatever the line was tuned to.

On either reading the trade is the same. Health and vigour on one side. Coherence, connection and power on the other.

Which would account for a practice that looks self-destructive from outside and was held to for thousands of years by people who had reasons.

The size question

So there is a minimum. Below a few hundred breeding people a group runs into its own genetics: homozygosity rises faster than the group can absorb, the load comes out, and fewer children survive each generation. Above that number there is enough variation in circulation for the group to keep replacing itself.

Below it, the group does not stop having children. It has slightly fewer that live, and then slightly fewer again, and it shrinks for a very long time before it is gone.

Which is why this belongs on the list. A small isolated band is under a slow pressure to take partners from outside, and in a world holding several kinds of people, the nearest available partners are not always its own kind.

How much of the extinction record this accounts for is another matter. Several pressures were acting at once and they cannot be separated with the dates the field has. Closing works slowly, so it is more likely to have weakened a people than to have finished one.

And it is one mechanism among the seven. A people that stayed closed could still be conquered, and the conquerors take the women whether the group was willing or not. Which is scenario two, and it leaves the same DNA behind.

The same thing in the field's own terms

What is above is the plain-English version. The field has its own words for it, and the rest of this book uses them.

Homozygous and heterozygous. Every gene comes in two copies, one from each parent. Where the two copies are identical, that gene is homozygous. Where they differ, heterozygous.

Now the arithmetic that makes everything else follow. Take two people at random from a large population and the chance that they carry the same version of any particular gene is low, because there are many versions in circulation. Take two cousins and the chance is high, because both got their copies from the same grandparents. So children of close relatives are homozygous at far more genes than children of strangers.

And that rate is cumulative. If a group breeds only within itself, homozygosity rises every generation and never comes back down, because there is no outside source of different copies.

Genetic load. Every person carries perhaps one or two variants that would be lethal or seriously damaging if both copies were the same. They do nothing, because the second copy works and covers for them. Multiply by a whole population and that hidden stock is the genetic load.

The load is invisible precisely because it is heterozygous. Homozygosity is what uncovers it.

Inbreeding depression. Put those two together and the mechanism is complete. Closing a group raises homozygosity; homozygosity exposes the load; exposure costs dead children and failed pregnancies. Each generation starts more homozygous than the last, so the cost grows.

The measured effect in humans is not subtle. First-cousin marriage raises the rate of serious birth defects and infant death by several percentage points over the background, and that is at one generation of it. Populations that have done it for many generations show far more.

Heterosis. The reverse, and the more interesting half. Cross two lines that have been separated a long time and the offspring are often larger, healthier and more fertile than either parent.

The reason falls straight out of the definitions. Each line has accumulated its own faults in its own genes. The other line has different faults in different genes. Cross them and almost every gene gets one working copy from somewhere, because the two sides are damaged in different places.

That is why breeders spend generations purifying two lines and then cross them deliberately at the end. It is also one reason archaic DNA persisted in us. A crossing between peoples separated for hundreds of thousands of years is the extreme case of this, and some of what came out did better than either side.

Effective population size, written Ne. The number that governs all of it, and it is not the headcount.

Ne is the size of an idealised population that would lose variation at the rate the real one does. It is always smaller than the number of people present, sometimes much smaller, because not everybody breeds, family sizes differ, the sexes are unequal in number, and a population that crashes once carries that crash forward. A group of a thousand people may have an Ne of two or three hundred.

So the rule, stated properly: below an Ne of a few hundred, inbreeding depression outruns what a population can absorb.

And broken is the wrong word

One thing in all of that needs qualifying, because the language of load and faults makes it sound as though variants are simply good or bad.

They are not. A variant is good or bad for a place and a moment.

The clearest case is milk. Every mammal makes an enzyme called lactase as an infant, to digest its mother's milk, and switches it off at weaning. Switching it off is not an accident. An adult still able to drink milk would be competing with the babies for it.

Then people started keeping cattle. And in that situation the switch-off is the fault, and the variant that keeps lactase running into adult life is worth a great deal. It spread across northern Europe and across the African cattle-keeping belt, separately, in a few thousand years. One of the fastest changes in our species.

The same variant in a people with no cattle does nothing at all.

Skin colour works the same way. Dark skin protects against sun damage and blocks the vitamin D that thin northern light barely supplies. Light skin does the reverse. Neither is the working version. Each is the working version somewhere.

And size. Large bodies win fights and cost a great deal to feed. When food thins out, smaller is better, and every island population of anything large has got smaller.

So the load a population carries is not a heap of broken things. It is a stock of variation, most of it useless now, some of it useful if the world changes.

Where the variation comes from

And it has to come from somewhere.

DNA copies itself imperfectly. Single letters change. Whole stretches get duplicated, and a duplicate is free to become something new because the original is still doing its old job. Pieces invert, move, or drop out. Most of it does nothing. Some of it breaks something. A little of it turns out to be useful later.

That is the supply, and it runs at a fairly steady rate per person per generation.

Which means the total supply depends on how many people there are. A population of a thousand generates a thousand people's worth of new variation each generation. A population of a million generates a million people's worth.

So the larger the population, the more it has to try when conditions change. Not because the individuals are better. Because there are more rolls of the dice.

A small closed group gets the worst of both. Very little new variation coming in, and homozygosity eating what it already had.

Which gives the closing argument for this scenario. A closed group loses its stock of variation. An open group keeps refilling it, from mutation inside and from outsiders coming in. And when the climate turns or the diet changes or a sickness arrives, one of them has something to try and the other does not.

And it may be why we won

This connects to something earlier.

We out-evolved every other people on this planet, and that was put down to competitiveness and to the loss of telepathy and compassion.

Competing is half of it. The other half is promiscuity.

A people that fights everybody and breeds with everybody is running two engines. The fighting supplies the pressure and the mixing supplies the material. Each generation something new comes in, gets tested against the neighbours, and either spreads or does not.

Competitive and promiscuous, which is what we share with the monkeys.

The parahuman peoples did neither as hard. They held their ground for hundreds of thousands of years with very little change in how they lived. The Neanderthals kept one tool tradition across two hundred thousand years.

And both engines run on one quality. Being promiscuous and being aggressive are the same disposition pointed at different things. A people that respects no boundary does not respect it in war or in bed.

Two more things go with it.

We do not feel what we do to the place we live in. A people with any sensitivity to the land would stop before stripping it. We take everything available and move on, and we have done that on every continent we entered, starting with the large animals.

And we have very little conscience and almost no self-restriction. A people that could feel what it was doing to another people would stop. We do not stop. Nothing internal ever calls a halt.

Every one of those wins a contest and ruins a world you have to live in afterward.

Which is what made us fit for a world that was going down. The Atlanteans could not hold their vibration in it and left. We were built for it. Competitive, indiscriminate, insensitive to the place, unrestrained, and fast.

Scenario 7. Aggregation. Groups merge because living in a village beats living outside one.

This is the seventh way a parahuman people and our ancestors might have ended up with children between them, and it differs from the other six in one way. They all need an event. This one needs nothing to happen at all.

The pressure behind it is permanent and low-grade. Predators. Bandits. The next group over. A bad year. None of that arrives as a crisis and none of it ever goes away, and the standing answer to all of it is to be more people in one place behind something solid.

Çatalhöyük. Nine thousand years ago in Anatolia, several thousand people lived in a settlement of houses packed wall to wall with no streets between them. You entered through a hole in the roof and walked across the rooftops to get anywhere.

That is not how people live when they have a choice about spacing. It is how they live when the outside of the settlement has to be a wall.

And they kept living that way for well over a thousand years. What they got for it was defence, stored grain, and enough hands to do things a family cannot do alone.

And it never stopped. People come in from the country because the town has work, a market, protection, and other people's daughters. That is the history of every town that has ever existed and it is running now.

And in peaceful times the walls come down and the doors open. Every large city in the Western world is a mixture of peoples, and in most of them the mixing is happening now. Where there is no danger and no shortage, a stranger with a skill is welcome, and so is his family.

So two groups within reach of each other, neither in any particular trouble, can end up as one population inside a few generations. Not because anything happened. Because being separate was worse.

Scenario 8. Engineered crossing. The crossing is made in a laboratory and the two peoples never meet at all.

And it was not only the aliens doing it. The Atlanteans lived here, and they ran this work themselves. Cayce describes the laboratories beneath their cities. Enki describes surveying the early human kinds and building from the stock that suited. So this scenario covers two kinds of operator: the extraterrestrial races, and a resident parahuman civilization with the same capability.

This is the one scenario on the list that requires no contact, no proximity and no willingness. It also requires no genetic compatibility, which is what makes it different from everything above.

The seven scenarios above all depend on two peoples being close enough to breed. Scenario eight does not. If you can cut and splice, you can join lineages that could never have produced a living child on their own.

And that is no longer speculative. Genetic engineering of plants and animals is running at full scale now, and it has become cheap. We cut and paste between species that separated hundreds of millions of years ago. Whatever the extraterrestrial races and the Atlanteans had will be further along than that, in precision and in scale.

How it is described

The abduction accounts and the channeled material agree on the procedure and they have agreed on it for decades.

Eggs are taken from women and sperm from men. The two are combined, with whatever alteration is being made. The embryo is implanted, often in the same woman the egg came from.

Some of those pregnancies go to term on the surface. Some are removed after a few weeks and continue elsewhere, and the woman is later shown a child and told it is hers.

The children are described as being raised on the ships and in colonies. And once a line is viable, it can be put back down here.

The signature it leaves

This one is distinguishable from the other seven, and the mark is a bottleneck.

The reason is practical. Work of this kind is done on individuals. Even with their technology it takes effort to make a hybrid line, and nobody does it to a whole population. A few donors, a few pregnancies, and everything afterward descends from those few.

So the donor population comes out small in the measurement, and the variation inside the archaic fragments comes out low, and the whole contribution traces back through a narrow point.

Which is the opposite of what the Veshuan figures show. Twenty to thirty thousand donors is a nation breeding with a nation. That is not a laboratory.

And it means the question can be asked of each of the eight peoples separately. Wide donor pool means they lived here and bred with us. Narrow donor pool means somebody made it.

What the accounts say was done

The sources are not vague about this. There is a substantial body of description, from the cuneiform tablets to the modern channeled material, and it divides into two programmes.

The extraterrestrial one. Sitchin and O'Brien, working from the Sumerian tablets, have the Anunnaki creating us as slaves with limited abilities, about two hundred and fifty thousand years ago. The technician class among them had been doing the heavy labour and wanted it done by somebody else.

The limitation was deliberate. The accounts say they inserted particular sequences that allowed them remote control and programming of what they had made. They disabled code segments, including the one that would have let cells renew themselves, which is why we age and sicken and die.

And the material adds something specific about what was taken. The structures named are the pineal gland, the pituitary, and the corpus callosum, which joins the two halves of the brain. Bashar describes the corpus callosum and the glandular system as where vibrational discernment sits, the sense that connects every living being to every other. Damage those and the connection thins.

The junk DNA is named too. The stretches between the genes were scrambled, on this account, and distortions introduced, so that the whole system no longer vibrates at the frequencies that would connect it upward. Noise in the genetic material, laid over the perception like fog.

And the Atlantean one, which began well. Archangel Metatron, channeled, gives the fullest account of it, and the first half is not sinister at all.

The work was based at Meruvia on Aryan, in a place called the Temple of Purification, and it was medicine. People were being born into bodies that had mutated into half man half beast, and the programme existed to correct them: removing appendages, claws, feathers, reptilian skin and scales. Through the Golden Age of Atlantis that is what it did, and it produced a great understanding of cloning and of adjusting physical limitations for the better.

Then came the reconstruction period after the first destruction, and the work passed to the Belial group.

After that it made worker-slaves. Hundreds of thousands of hybrid mutations to work the fields. Beings with controlled minds built to do what they were told. Souls trapped in cloned bodies, called things and others, given genetic lobotomies with sexuality and emotion nullified. Many of them in bodies that allowed no learning, no growth and no expression at all.

It was sold to the population as the development of a pure race. Metatron makes the comparison to Nazi Germany himself.

And the scientists doing the work were kept unaware of what it was being used for until it was too late for them to stop. Metatron says some people carry guilt from that to this day.

That is what the great rift between the Law of One and the Sons of Belial was about. Cayce describes the same quarrel from his own material and it is the reason both give for the destruction of Atlantis.

One further claim, and it is startling. Metatron says Sasquatch are the remnants of human-gorilla mutants, engineered for heavy labour by the Aryans.

The oldest account is the most explicit

The channeled material is recent. The Sumerian tablets are four thousand years old and they describe the same operation in more detail.

Enki and Ninmah. Two of them are making humans. They drink, and it becomes a contest: Ninmah makes defective ones and challenges Enki to find a use for each.

She makes a man who cannot hold his urine. One who is blind. One with paralysed feet. One who cannot hold back his semen. A barren woman. A being with neither male nor female parts. Seven in all, each with a named defect, and Enki finds a place in society for every one.

That is prototyping. Failed builds, catalogued by their specific faults, made by two named technicians working through variations.

And the Atrahasis gives the recipe. The gods are doing the digging and they mutiny. Humanity is made afterward, expressly to take over the work, and Nintu does the making.

The method is clay mixed with the flesh and blood of a slain god. Fourteen pieces at once, seven male and seven female. A batch.

A coincidence I cannot resist mentioning

The standard way to get DNA out of tissue, in any laboratory today, is this. Break the cells open. Add a salt that makes DNA stick to silica. Silica is clay. Wash it with alcohol. Then release the DNA into water.

So the recipe reads: take the flesh of a god, mix it with clay, and make people out of what comes off.

And the drinking in Enki and Ninmah sits oddly next to the alcohol wash, if anybody wanted to push it.

I would not push it. It is a funny association and nothing more. But the limitation in the real procedure is worth noting, because it fits. Silica extraction gives you fragments, good ones, up to a couple of hundred thousand bases with care, and never a whole chromosome.

So anybody working that way is building from pieces.

Which is what seven failed prototypes with seven specific defects looks like.

And clay is everywhere

The detail spreads far wider than Mesopotamia.

Genesis has God forming man from the dust of the ground. The Hebrew word for man, adam, and the word for ground, adamah, are the same root.

Egypt has Khnum making people on a potter's wheel, out of clay from the Nile. He is shown doing it, at the wheel, with the figure standing on it.

Greece has Prometheus making the first humans out of clay and water.

China has Nuwa pulling people out of the yellow river mud, shaping the first ones by hand and then making the rest faster by dipping a rope in the mud and flicking it.

The Quran has man made from clay, and says so repeatedly, in several different words for the material: dust, clay, black mud altered.

And the Golem is the same procedure done by a human being. A figure of clay from the riverbank, animated by a word. The Prague version is sixteenth century, and I know it because I descend from the man in it, the Maharal of Prague, Yehuda ben Bezalel Loew. The idea is older than him, and the Talmud has Adam himself as a golem before he was given a soul.

So the material is the same in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Israel, Greece, China and Arabia. Clay, mixed with something living or with a name, and people come out.

That is a very wide agreement on an odd detail. If somebody wanted to make something of the silica coincidence, this is where they would start. I am leaving it where it is.

And the other traditions carry the batches

The pattern of repeated attempts is not confined to Mesopotamia either.

The Popol Vuh has the makers attempting humanity more than once and failing. Mud that will not hold. Then wood, which speaks and multiplies and has no consciousness in it, and is destroyed. Only the third attempt works.

The Zohar, from thirteenth-century Spain, gives the batch before ours: many generations of people existed before Adam, and they were like monkeys, and there was no true human image in them.

Genesis gives the crossing. The sons of God take the daughters of men and the children are the Nephilim. The Book of Enoch, older than the version that survived, adds what the Watchers taught when they came down: metalwork and weapons, cosmetics, the cutting of roots, sorcery, and the courses of the stars. Technology transfer, itemised, and treated as the crime.

And the Aztecs say Quetzalcoatl went into the underworld after the fourth Sun ended, recovered the bones of the previous humanity, ground them, and mixed them with his own blood to make the people now living.

Bones from the old batch, blood from a god, mixed to make the new one. That is the Atrahasis procedure, on the other side of an ocean.

What the agreement amounts to

Strip the names out and the same account appears in Mesopotamia, in Israel, in Spain, in Guatemala and in Mexico.

Humanity was made. It was made more than once, and the earlier attempts failed and were discarded. The makers put their own substance into it. And in the accounts that state a purpose, the purpose was labour.

That is scenario eight, described by people who had no idea they were describing genetics.

What that means for this scenario

Two operators, two programmes, and different purposes.

The extraterrestrial work made us, and made us smaller than what went into us, and did it on purpose so that we could be directed.

The Atlantean work started as medicine and ended as an industry in bodies.

Both would leave the same mark in a genome: a narrow donor pool, low variation, everything tracing back through a few individuals.

And Metatron's final point puts a floor under how much of it we still carry. Atlantis was destroyed, so there is no way to count how many of the disabling genes from the slave hybrids came down to us. What can be said is that we are materialistic and our psychic capacities are diminished, and that both are what the programme was designed to produce.

What we can actually measure

Four measurements.

When the two lines separated. Counting the differences between an archaic stretch and ordinary human DNA gives the time since the two lineages parted.

When they crossed. The length of the inherited stretches gives the time since the DNA entered, because every generation cuts them shorter.

How large the donor population was. The variety among the archaic stretches gives the size of the pool they came from. A small founding group leaves little variety. A large one leaves a lot.

Which sex was arriving. DNA arriving through men ends up underrepresented on the X chromosome, and DNA arriving through women overrepresented, for a plain counting reason: two thirds of all X chromosomes sit in women and one third in men, while the other chromosomes are split evenly.

Four numbers. Separation, crossing, donor size, sex bias. Everything in the seven scenarios has to be inferred from those.

What the four numbers can and cannot separate

Here is where the scenarios sort, and most of them do not sort at all.

Scenarios 2, 3, 4 and 6 are indistinguishable. Conquest, bride capture, ranging parties and necessity all produce the same four numbers: an early separation, a late crossing, a donor pool of whatever size that people happened to be, and a male bias on the incoming side. Nothing in the genome distinguishes a raid from a marriage from a trading visit. All of them are men arriving from elsewhere and leaving children behind.

Scenarios 1, 5 and 7 are distinguishable, and they are ruled out. Whole-population displacement moves families. So does expansion into new range. So does two villages merging. In all three, men and women arrive together, and the crossing shows both biases or neither.

Every parahuman crossing that has been measured is male-biased on the incoming side. The Neanderthal crossing into us: their men, our women. The Denisovan crossing: the same. The one that runs the other way, ours into the Neanderthals, is female-biased on the incoming side, which is the same pattern with us as the ones arriving.

Men arriving from elsewhere. Every time.

So none of the crossings we can see was two peoples merging.

A branch, and I will follow it

That closes the seven scenarios.

Before going on with the chronology there is a branch worth taking, because it answers a question the scenarios leave open. Seven ways two peoples might end up with children between them, and no account of what decides whether they do.

There is one case recent enough to have records on both sides, and it went two opposite ways at once.

Two peoples, one century, opposite outcomes

Europeans arrived in the Americas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The same continent, a few generations apart, the same technology, the same diseases, the same intentions toward the land.

In Mexico and in Peru the Spanish took the country and mixed with it at once. They came with few women of their own and fathered children on the women of the peoples they had conquered. Within a few generations the population of central Mexico was neither Spanish nor Aztec but a new people made from both.

The measurement today is stark. In living Mexicans the male line is overwhelmingly European and the female line is overwhelmingly indigenous, at something like nine parts in ten each way. The peoples who were there were not removed. They were absorbed through their women, and they are still present inside the population that conquered them.

In North America the English and afterward the Americans did the opposite. They arrived in families, with their own women, and they held the boundary. There was some mixing and there was very little of it. The peoples already on that land were pushed west, and killed, and confined, and what remains of them in the general population is close to nothing.

Same century. Same continent. Same biology. Opposite results.

The difference was cultural. Spaniards and Englishmen could both have children by indigenous women, and both did. The Spanish arrangement produced a mixed nation and the English arrangement produced a replaced one, and the reason lies in who came, whom they brought with them, and what they permitted.

Now suppose all you had were the genomes of people living in the United States today, with no history and no archaeology.

You would see two peoples. A European population and a West African one, both substantial, both unmistakable. You would conclude that both had lived on that land, and you would be right.

And you would miss the third. Indigenous ancestry in the general United States population runs at around one percent. Read cold, without history, that looks like noise, or like some minor late admixture from a small neighbouring group.

It was the people who held the continent. Tens of millions of them, across every part of it, for at least fifteen thousand years.

Run the same exercise on Mexico and the result reverses. Indigenous ancestry there is everywhere and it is large, and a geneticist reading those genomes would infer a substantial native population, absorbed into the incoming one and not removed.

So the record does not fail evenly. It shows you the peoples who mixed, at close to their true weight, and it shows you nothing about the ones who did not, however many of them there were.

That is the situation we are in with the parahuman peoples. The ones we can see are the ones who mixed.

So what decided it

Contact is not crossing. Two peoples can meet and trade for centuries without children.

The Spanish and English cases went opposite ways under conditions that were otherwise the same, and both are documented. So the question can be worked on.

Religion?

First guess. Spain was Catholic, England was Protestant, and the two churches took opposite positions.

From 1503 the Spanish Crown held that Indians were free subjects and that marriage to an Indian woman was valid. The Church performed those marriages from the first decade. A Catholic idea sits behind it: the rite makes the marriage, and a baptised person is a person.

The Protestant colonies wrote the opposite into law. Virginia in 1691, Massachusetts in 1705.

Though a prohibition gets written when something is already happening. So the English were mixing enough to want it stopped.

No

New France was Catholic. Champlain told the Huron the two peoples would become one, and meant it as policy. Jesuits lived among the Algonquin for decades.

The settled colony on the St Lawrence mixed very little.

And a few hundred miles inland, in the fur country, French and Scottish traders married native women constantly and produced a whole new people, the Métis, who are still there with their own language.

Same religion, same empire, two outcomes.

So Catholicism permitted it. It did not cause it.

What did the fur country have that Quebec did not?

Who came

The traders went alone. That is the thread.

Spain sent men, about ten for every woman across the first fifty years. New France was worse, six to one by the sixteen sixties. The Crown shipped eight hundred young women over at its own expense between 1663 and 1673 to fix it.

And it worked. Once French women were there, French-Indian marriage in the colony fell away.

England sent households. The Mayflower carried women and children.

A man without women of his own marries locally. A man with them does not. That holds across the religious divide and it explains the fur country, where the men went inland and nobody shipped women after them.

That is most of the answer. Probably not all of it.

But why did one send men and the other send families?

Which is one step back, not the bottom. Something decided that too.

The template each brought from home. Spain had just finished the Reconquista, seven hundred years of taking territory from Muslim rulers and then governing the population in place, converting it, and absorbing its elite. That was the working model and they exported it. England had just done Ireland, the Ulster plantation of 1609, where the method was to clear the ground and settle your own people on it. That was their working model and they exported that.

So each did in America what it had most recently done at home.

What the land was good for. New England is temperate and can be farmed the way England is farmed, which suits a family with a plough. Mexico and Peru are tropical or high altitude, and they were already producing enormous wealth through a labour system that had taken generations to build. You do not replace that with your own farmers. You take it over and keep the people who know how to run it.

Who paid. Spain went a hundred years earlier, when only a Crown could finance an ocean crossing, and a Crown sends soldiers and officials. England went when joint-stock companies and dissenting congregations could raise the money themselves, and a congregation travels as families because the point is to build a society.

The first of those looks strongest. The second and third support it instead of competing with it.

And a fourth I am less sure of. England had surplus population and enclosure pushing people off the land, so emigration relieved pressure at home. Spain did not have that problem.

This is as far back as I have taken it. There is further to go.

What they found

Something else differs, and it is nothing to do with who arrived.

The Aztec and the Inca were empires. Tax rolls, a capital, an aristocracy, a tribute system. Take the capital and the machinery is still running with everybody in it.

The Spanish married into the surviving native nobility on purpose, because a Spaniard with an Inca wife had a claim. Several colonial families were founded that way.

North America had no top to take. Hundreds of separate peoples, no tribute, no capital, nothing to inherit. Each one had to be dealt with on its own, over three centuries.

An empire can be inherited. A hundred autonomous peoples have to be removed one at a time.

What they wanted

The Spanish arrangement ran on native labour. Tribute, the mines, the estates. That needs the people alive and present.

The English wanted the land, and a farm does not need whoever was standing on it.

If that is right the marriages followed the economics. Plausible, and harder to show than the rest.

And the side nobody wrote down

All of the above treats the decision as belonging to the arrivals, which cannot be the whole of it.

The peoples of the northeast and the plains had their own rules about who could marry in.

Though captives taken in raids were often adopted outright and became full members, which is not how a closed people behaves.

So not simply refusing and not simply open. The records were written by the other side and I cannot settle it.

Where it comes out

Four candidates, in the order I would rank them.

Who came, meaning the sex ratio. The fur country tests it directly.

What they wanted, labour or land.

Whether the existing society had a top to marry into.

Whether an institution would sanction the marriages. Necessary, not sufficient.

And one question left open: what the native peoples chose.

None of it is biology. Spaniards and Englishmen could both father children on indigenous women and both did.

Back to the deep past

Not an answer about Atlantis. A set of questions, tested where the records survive.

Who came. Every parahuman crossing measured so far is male-biased on the incoming side. Men without their own women, which is the Spanish and fur-trade pattern.

Whether the receiving people permitted it. Invisible in a genome. It shows only in the outcome, and the outcome is the thing we are trying to explain.

What was there to marry into. The esoteric sources give the Atlanteans cities, ranks and a bred servant class. That is the shape of thing that gets absorbed.

What the incomers wanted. The same sources have them surveying stock and breeding for labour. An arrangement built on other people's bodies keeps those people close.

Whether any of it holds is open. What the American case shows is that the questions are answerable when the record is good enough, and that the answer is several things at once.

And one thing about the emptiness

There is an objection to all of this and it has to be met.

On the figures given earlier the world was nearly empty. A few thousand Neanderthals across the whole of Europe and western Asia. A few thousand modern humans leaving Africa. At those numbers a displaced band does not run into anybody. It walks into unoccupied land, because almost all land is unoccupied.

So catastrophe cannot have forced peoples together in the way one might assume. There would have been too much room.

The ranging-party account survives that objection where the others do not. A settlement is a fixed point and it can be found. A wandering band is not. When conditions change, in either direction, the hunting range expands enormously, and the chance of one armed party striking another people's settlement rises even though the world stays nearly empty.

The disturbance does not push two peoples together. It sends one people's young men out across a far larger area.

Why most of the ancient world is invisible

Those population figures may deserve less confidence than they usually get.

They come from genetics, and almost entirely from genetics. Archaeology cannot supply them. The ground that has been excavated is a minute fraction of the ground that was inhabited, and the fraction that has been sequenced is smaller again. There is a great deal of recoverable DNA still in the ground. Very little of it has been read, because reading it costs money and somebody has to decide to spend it.

And the genetic figures measure something narrower than they appear to. What they measure is the ancestry of people alive now. A population enters that record only if it crossed into a line that survived.

Two separate conditions have to be met for that, and they are independent of each other.

The first is cultural. Whether a people permits crossing at all. Indian castes have not mixed for two thousand years, and the reason is rule, not biology. Modern Western cities mix freely and admit outsiders by marriage as a matter of course. Both look like choices a society makes, and a society that keeps to itself would leave no trace in anyone.

The second is biological. Whether crossing produces children whose descendants prosper. Two peoples can be entirely willing and still leave nothing.

The hardest version is outright infertility: the children are not conceived, or are born sterile, or are fertile in one sex and not the other. But the softer version is likelier and it leaves the same result.

The children are born and they are fertile, and what they carry does not serve them where they are. They may be gentler, or slower to fight, or more intelligent in ways that cost them. Any quality that is not an advantage under the conditions of that place and time will thin out. The line does not fail in one generation. It shrinks, and keeps shrinking, and eventually there is none of it left.

Either way the outcome in the record is the same: nothing.

Put those two together and there are four situations. Only one of them leaves anything behind.

Open and compatible. They cross, and the DNA is here. That is the Neanderthals and the Denisovans, and it is the only case we can see.

Open and incompatible. They cross willingly and the line does not persist. Invisible.

Closed and compatible. They could have and would not. Invisible.

Closed and incompatible. Invisible twice over.

So the seven parahuman peoples in this book are not the peoples who were here. They are the peoples who were both willing and able.

And the sharpest form of it is this. A conquest could have happened, with the women taken, and left nothing at all, if the children did not prosper. Conquest and an empty genetic record are entirely compatible.

Which means there may have been a great many more peoples than seven, and we may have destroyed peoples we cannot even count.

The rest of this part lays all three side by side and looks at where they fall near each other, moving forward through the record from about seventy thousand years ago to the present.

One thing to hold onto while reading it. The esoteric sources and the genome may be describing the same episodes from opposite ends. The esoteric sources record the disaster. The genome records who ended up in bed with whom afterward.

---

The long African period

Between the settling of the modern human form and the eruption there are more than two hundred thousand years, and almost the whole of it was spent in one continent.

We were not one people

The form settles around three hundred thousand years ago. What follows is not a single population spreading outward.

Africa held several human peoples, and they were separated from one another for a very long time. The deepest of those divisions is around a quarter of a million years old, and it still shows in living people: the Khoisan of southern Africa parted from everyone else at about that depth, and the gap between them and other Africans is wider than the gap between a European and a Papuan.

So for most of our existence we were a scattered set of populations in one continent, out of contact for tens of thousands of years at a stretch, occasionally meeting.

That matters for what can be dated, and it fixes one thing.

The Korimians came in before any of that

One of the seven parahuman peoples is in everybody. About one percent of every human genome, in the same amount, whether the person's ancestors come from Namibia or Norway. I called them the Korimians in the first volume.

That evenness dates them, and the reasoning takes one step.

DNA can only be in everyone if it was already there before the population divided. Anything arriving after a split ends up on one side of it, which is what Neanderthal and Denisovan ancestry look like: present in some peoples, absent in others.

So the Korimians interbred with our ancestors before the deepest division among living humans. Earlier than a quarter of a million years ago, and possibly a good deal earlier.

That is the oldest crossing anyone has found. It happened while we were still one people, in Africa, before we were anything much.

What catastrophe stood behind it is not known. Nothing in the esoteric sources names that period, and nothing in the geological record of Africa points to an obvious candidate.

Who the Korimians were

The first volume argued the point by elimination and the argument applies here.

Two parahuman peoples lived permanently on this planet: the Lemurians and the Atlanteans. The extraterrestrial races came and went, and did not settle here as breeding populations. Archaic DNA in living people comes from a resident breeding population. So any parahuman people found in our genomes was one of those two.

The Korimians are not in Lemurian country. Their DNA is everywhere in equal measure, which points to no region, and the Lemurian identification rests on the Indian and Pacific geography the Denisovans occupy.

By elimination, the Korimians are Atlantean.

The depth supports it. The esoteric sources put the Atlanteans on this planet long before us, so an Atlantean contribution should be the oldest thing in the record. The Korimian crossing is the oldest crossing anyone has found.

One condition holds the argument up and should be said plainly. It rests on only those two peoples having been resident here. If an extraterrestrial people did settle and breed over a long period, the elimination fails, and nothing in the genetics can tell that case apart.

Neighbours, or a programme

There is a second question underneath the first, and it can be answered from the data.

Were the Korimians a people we lived among and bred with, or were we crossed with them deliberately, in a laboratory?

Those two leave different marks.

Deliberate work starts from a small founding group. A few individuals are used, offspring are produced, and everyone descended from that work passes through the narrow point. The narrow point is a bottleneck, and a bottleneck is visible: the resulting population carries far less variation than one that came through ordinarily.

Natural mixing leaves the opposite. Two peoples living alongside one another over many generations, crossing many times, with many individuals on both sides. The variation stays high, because the contribution came from a wide pool.

So the amount of variation inside the archaic fragments tells you which happened.

For the Veshuans the figure has been published. The Veshuans are another of the seven parahuman peoples, found only in four peoples living on the Atlantic coast of West Africa, and treated at length in the first volume. Their donor population is estimated at twenty to thirty thousand. That is a nation, not a laboratory stock, and there is no bottleneck in it.

For the Korimians the same calculation has not been done. It could be. The data are public and the method is established.

If the answer comes back the same way, the conclusion follows. The Korimians lived here, alongside our ancestors, in numbers, for long enough to cross with them repeatedly.

Not a programme run on us from outside. Neighbours.

Which would point to a resident Atlantean people, one of the tribes, and not an intervention from off the planet.

The Veshuans, on the Atlantic coast

A second parahuman people shows up in this stretch, and only in one part of it.

The Veshuans are found in four peoples living on the Atlantic coast of West Africa, and nowhere else in the world. In those four they make up between two and nineteen percent of a person's ancestry, which is the largest parahuman share carried by anybody.

Their line parted from ours somewhere between four hundred thousand and a million years ago. The crossing back is dated loosely, anywhere within the last hundred and twenty thousand years.

What matters here is the geography. They are on one coast and nowhere else, which means they came in after the African populations had divided and settled. A regional crossing, into a regional people.

The first volume set out the case that this coast is where the Atlantean founding colony was placed by the clairvoyant sources.

The world warmed, and we tried to leave

Around a hundred and twenty thousand years ago the climate turned warm. Sea levels rose above where they are now. The Sahara turned green, with rivers and lakes across it, and the corridors that are desert today were open.

Humans moved north through them and reached the eastern Mediterranean. Remains have been found there of that age.

That expansion did not last. The climate turned again, the corridors closed, and those populations died out or fell back. Nobody alive descends from them.

Then the fire

And about seventy thousand years ago, while we were still in Africa, a volcano erupted on the other side of the world.

---

Seventy thousand years ago: fire

The eruption

Seventy thousand years ago, Toba erupted. It stood on Sumatra, which is the westernmost of the long chain of islands running between Asia and Australia.

It was the largest eruption in two million years, and eruptions of that size do not behave like the ones we are used to seeing. The chamber beneath the mountain emptied so completely that the mountain collapsed into it. What is there now is a hole a hundred kilometres long, filled with water. Lake Toba.

Close in, superheated ash and gas swept across the ground and buried everything for hundreds of kilometres. Further out, ash fell from the sky across southern Asia, in a layer that can still be dug up today two thousand miles from where it came from. The rest went high into the atmosphere and stayed, cutting the sunlight for years.

The region stopped supporting life, and the world cooled at the same time.

Those islands are the heart of Lemuria as the esoteric sources describe it.

Who it fell on

The eruption did not fall on us. Our own species was in Africa, on the other side of the world, and felt nothing worse than a cold decade.

It fell on the Denisovans.

The first volume of this book argued that the Denisovans are the Lemurians. They are one of the seven parahuman peoples: peoples who lived alongside us and were not our species. Their line parted from ours around six hundred thousand years ago, and their remains have been found in Siberia, on the Tibetan plateau, and off the coast of Taiwan.

So Toba destroyed a civilization that was not human, in the country the esoteric sources call Mu, while we were somewhere else entirely.

What the survivors did

They scattered, and the direction they scattered in is written in the genomes of the people living there now.

Denisovan inheritance is undetectable in Europe. Across most of Asia it is a fraction of one percent. And in New Guinea, in Aboriginal Australia, and among the Negrito peoples of the Philippines it rises to about five percent, which is the largest parahuman inheritance carried by anyone alive.

East and south, through the islands, away from the volcano.

And ten thousand years later, we arrived

Our own species left Africa around sixty thousand years ago. One group went, and everyone outside Africa descends from it.

They moved east along the southern coasts of Asia, and from about forty-five thousand years ago onward they were in the islands where the Denisovan survivors had gone.

The two peoples met and had children. That crossing, and the several that followed it down to about thirty thousand years ago, is why Denisovan DNA sits where it sits today.

The shape of it

Seventy thousand years ago fire destroyed the Lemurian homeland. The survivors moved east and south. Sixty thousand years ago we left Africa and followed the same coasts. And from forty-five thousand years ago the two peoples interbred, in the places the survivors had reached.

Catastrophe, then movement, then crossing, with fifteen thousand years and a continent in between.

That is a longer arc than a single collision, and it is what catastrophic introgression looks like when the two peoples are far apart to begin with.

Two channeled sources on the fire

Bashar, channeled by Darryl Anka since the nineteen eighties, places a destruction at seventy thousand years ago.

The Law of One, received through Carla Rueckert in 1981, places the transfer of a population from Mars to Earth at about seventy-five thousand years ago. On that account people arrived here from another world while the volcano was going off.

Neither can be checked. What can be said is that both fall in the same few thousand years as Toba.

What to take from this

Seventy thousand years ago the largest eruption in two million years destroyed the region the esoteric sources call Lemuria.

The Denisovans, who that volume identified as the Lemurians, scattered east and south through the islands, which is where their descendants' DNA is concentrated today.

We left Africa ten thousand years later, followed the same coasts, met them, and had children with them.

And two channeled sources put a destruction in the same window as the eruption.

---

Fifty thousand years ago: the second wave

The next crossing is the best dated of them all, and it was pinned down only last year.

What the genome says

Every person outside Africa carries between one and two percent Neanderthal DNA.

Until recently the date of that crossing was loose, with estimates ranging across twenty thousand years. In December 2024 two papers settled it, working from the oldest modern human genomes yet recovered, found in Germany and dating to about forty-five thousand years ago. Those people lived close enough to the event to date it precisely.

The crossing happened between fifty thousand and forty-five thousand years ago. It was a single shared episode, lasting perhaps seven thousand years, and every non-African alive descends from it.

So there was one period, five thousand years long, in which our ancestors and the Neanderthals had children together across a wide region. Before it, nothing. After it, nothing.

What the esoteric sources say about the same period

Two of them name a destruction there, and they were recorded sixty years apart.

Cayce, in trance readings given from the nineteen twenties onward, places a great destruction of Atlantis at about fifty thousand years ago.

The Law of One, received through Carla Rueckert in 1981, places the sinking of Mu at fifty-three thousand years ago, and says the survivors dispersed to what is now Russia and to the Americas.

Neither knew of the other's dating in any useful sense, and neither could have known the genetic date, which did not exist until 2024.

The three together, and how far it goes

A destruction at about fifty thousand years, named by two channelers. A crossing at fifty to forty-five thousand years, arrived at independently by geneticists working half a century after those channelers spoke.

The dates sit close. How much that is worth needs saying carefully, because the connection between them is not obvious.

The destructions the two channelers describe are Atlantean and Lemurian. The crossing is with the Neanderthals, who on the reading set out in the first volume were neither: a seeded stock living in the wilderness outside the cities. A calamity that sank Atlantis does not by itself explain why our ancestors and the Neanderthals began having children.

What would connect them is something wider. A disturbance large enough to move several peoples at once, not only the one whose homeland was lost. A climatic event of that kind would do it, and the period does contain severe cold pulses, though nothing on the scale of the eruption twenty thousand years earlier.

Without that, the dates are two facts sitting near each other, and coincidence remains available.

And then we killed them

The Neanderthals are gone by about forty thousand years ago. They had held Europe and western Asia for three hundred thousand years, and they end within a few thousand years of our arrival.

The first volume set out the case that we killed them, and the reasoning is in the count of survivors. Seven parahuman peoples are detectable in human DNA. Every one is gone and one species is left standing.

The esoteric sources say nothing about this. It is the largest single event in the period and no channeled source I have found names it.

What this section comes to

Four things, in order.

Our ancestors and the Neanderthals interbred once, in a single period lasting a few thousand years, between fifty and forty-five thousand years ago. Every person outside Africa descends from it. That date was established in December 2024 and is the firmest in this book.

Two channeled sources, recorded sixty years apart and long before that date existed, place a great destruction at about the same time. Cayce puts it in the Atlantic, the Law of One in the Pacific.

The agreement is in the dates only. The destructions described are of Atlantis and Mu, and the crossing is with a third people, so the mechanism connecting them is missing. A wide climatic disturbance would supply one and the evidence for such a disturbance at that date is thin.

And within a few thousand years of that crossing the Neanderthals were gone, which no esoteric source mentions at all.

---

Thirty thousand years ago: cold

After the Neanderthals end, the record goes quiet for a while, and then the world freezes.

What happened

From about thirty thousand years ago the ice advanced, and by twenty-six thousand it had reached its greatest extent. It held there until about nineteen thousand.

Ice sheets kilometres thick covered northern Europe, northern Asia and most of Canada. So much water was locked up in them that the sea stood a hundred and twenty metres lower than it does now. Land that is seabed today was dry: Britain was joined to Europe, Siberia to Alaska, and the islands between Asia and Australia formed a single subcontinent.

Away from the ice it was dry. The Sahara expanded. Forests shrank to patches. Across most of the world there was less to eat and fewer places to live.

Human populations contracted into the places that still supported them, and in Europe this is visible directly in ancient DNA: the people living there before the ice are largely replaced by the people who came out of the refuges afterward.

The last crossings

The Denisovan crossings continue through this period and end in it. The latest of them, into the ancestors of people now living in the islands and in New Guinea, is dated to around thirty thousand years ago.

After that, nothing. No parahuman people crosses into us again. Whatever was left of them by then was too few, too scattered, or gone.

So the last of the seven to reach us reached us as the ice was closing in.

What the esoteric sources say

Cayce places a destruction of Atlantis at about thirty thousand years ago, with land lost and a change in the climate.

The Law of One gives a figure. At twenty-five thousand years ago, it says, the entire human population of this planet was about three hundred and forty-five thousand people.

That number is worth pausing on. Three hundred and forty-five thousand is a small city. If it is anywhere near right, then at the coldest point of the ice age our species was reduced to a scattering of small groups in a few habitable corners, which is what the archaeology of the period suggests independently.

What the cold comes to

The ice reached its greatest extent between twenty-six and nineteen thousand years ago, and human populations everywhere contracted into refuges.

The last of the parahuman crossings, from the Denisovans, happened as that began.

Cayce places a destruction at about the same time, and the Law of One gives a world population that would fit a species pushed into corners.

And after this point our species is alone. Whatever else had been living alongside us was gone.

---

A ghost population in the Amazon

Three peoples in the Brazilian Amazon carry something nobody can account for. The Suruí, the Karitiana and the Xavante. A 2021 study found it on the Pacific coast of Peru too.

What they carry is an affinity to Aboriginal Australians, Papuans and the Onge of the Andaman Islands. Not to any other people in the Americas, and not to any living population in Europe or Asia.

The literature calls it Population Y, or Ypykuéra, the Tupi word for ancestor.

About two percent of Amazonian ancestry, if the source was purely Australasian. If they were already mixed when they arrived, the real figure could be as high as eighty-five percent. Nobody has found a body, so nobody can say.

No bones, no site, no route. Gone.

So it is a ghost population, in the ordinary technical sense. A people known only from what they left in the living.

Whether they are parahuman is a separate question and nobody has asked it. I am carrying them as a candidate, PH8.

They did not walk

The standard explanations have them coming down through North America, either in the founding wave or in a second one.

Anybody who walked from Alaska to Brazil went through North America and would have left cousins along the way. The signal is absent from every North American people tested.

That leaves three.

Lemurians

The affinity points at one part of the world, and it is the part the esoteric sources call Mu.

Australians, Papuans and Andaman Islanders also carry the most Denisovan inheritance of anyone alive. This book takes the Denisovans for the Lemurians. So the nearest living relatives of Population Y are the people with the most Lemurian ancestry in them.

Finyet has the Lemurians relocating to North America. Ra has the survivors of Mu dispersing to the Americas.

And Lemuria is a sea people in every account of it. A crossing by water leaves nothing behind on land, which is what we find.

Or their descendants

Same journey, different passengers. Modern humans carrying heavy Lemurian ancestry.

Ancient or modern. That is the whole difference between this and the version above, and it turns on a measurement nobody has taken.

The Population Y fragments have never been compared to an archaic genome. Every study so far compared living Amazonians to living Australasians. That is a comparison between two modern populations and it will give its answer in those terms. So calling Population Y modern human is something the method assumed, not something it found.

Two tests would settle it. Both computational, both on public data.

Measure how far the fragments diverge from ordinary human DNA. Human range is a few hundred thousand years. Parahuman range is six hundred thousand and up.

And measure whether the fragments carry more Denisovan material than the genome around them. If Lemurian, they should.

Or they were brought

Everything above assumes people had to travel. Oceans, coastlines, land bridges, what a boat can do. The whole difficulty of Population Y is a difficulty about routes.

A route is only a problem for people moving under their own power.

The extraterrestrial races in these sources cross between star systems. Moving a few hundred people from one part of this planet to another would be nothing to them. If the aliens wanted a population somewhere, it would be there, and no road would be needed.

Which opens a hole in modern genetic history that nobody acknowledges.

The discipline is built on one assumption: that populations got where they are by walking, or sailing, or drifting. Every model of human prehistory is a model of routes. Which corridor was open. When the ice retreated. How far a boat could go. Where the coastline was.

If anybody were ever moved by something that does not use routes, the framework would misread it. The signal would turn up in the wrong place, the field would go looking for a land bridge, and it would find one, because a land bridge is the only kind of answer the framework can produce.

Population Y has that shape. A people on the wrong side of an ocean, related to peoples on the far side of the world, with no trail between them. The literature has spent a decade proposing routes. Two founding waves. A coastal migration. An early crossing that vanished.

Why I do not lean on it

Where I stand, since the temptation runs the other way.

Extraterrestrial races are real. Aliens have been here and are here. Much of the channeled material is true. And there is almost no physical evidence of any of it, which is the thing that keeps bothering me. So little, across so long a history, that the scarcity needs explaining on its own.

Archaeology will not supply it. That field has been closed on this subject for a century.

Genetics might, and for a reason nobody intended. Genetic data get published first and interpreted afterward. The sequences go into public archives before anybody knows what is in them. Once out, they cannot be withdrawn. Anyone can go back and ask a question nobody thought to ask.

So if a record exists anywhere of populations being moved by aliens, that is where it surfaces.

And yet. A people crossing an ocean in boats is a far simpler explanation than a people carried in a craft. Boats are attested. Craft are not.

What strikes me about human prehistory is how much of it fits ordinary movement. Coastlines, currents, land bridges, walking. The barriers get respected almost everywhere, almost always.

So an interesting case. Not proof.

The method here is the method everywhere in this book. Take the esoteric and channeled evidence as good enough to work with. Fit it against the physical record. Abandon neither.

What I want is a metaphysics that survives contact with the ground.

And the empty continent

There is a wider thing underneath this and it has bothered me the whole way through.

The standard account has two continents, half the habitable land on this planet, sitting unoccupied until sixteen thousand years ago. Empty. For the whole of our species and everything before us.

I do not believe it.

We crossed open water to Australia sixty thousand years ago. People live in the Arctic. People live in deserts. Habitable ground gets occupied, and the Americas are not merely habitable, they are some of the best land on the planet.

The defence is that the road was shut. Ice sheets over Canada, meeting in the middle, blocking everything south of Alaska until they pulled back.

That defence holds only for people who had to walk.

And if anybody was there, and did not mix with the people who came later, they would be invisible. That is the argument from the American case a few pages back, applied to a whole hemisphere. The record shows the peoples who crossed. Anybody who kept to themselves left nothing.

There is also a live argument in the field about this. Sites in the Americas dated well before sixteen thousand years, and a set of human footprints in New Mexico dated to twenty-three thousand. If those hold, somebody was there before the ice opened.

That argument is not settled and I am not going to settle it. What I will say is that the Population Y signal is what you would expect to find if the continent was never empty.

The sources

Population Y was reported by Skoglund and colleagues in Nature in 2015, and independently by Raghavan and colleagues in Science in the same year. The Peruvian coastal finding is Castro e Silva and colleagues, in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2021.

One further thing from the same literature. Native Americans carry a small Denisovan trace. It may have come with them from Asia, and nobody has separated the two.

---

So who else was in the Americas?

Population Y leads somewhere and it took me a while to see where.

If a people with Lemurian affinity reached South America and left descendants, then somebody was in the Americas before the founding migration. That is what the signal says, whatever else about it is unclear.

Which turns the question around. Not why did nobody go. What kept them out.

What could hold a continent

So something was keeping us out, and it left nothing anybody has filed as a civilization. That is the constraint, and it is a strange one. Three kinds of thing would satisfy it.

Something that leaves bones and reads as an animal. Not ordinary predators. A predator civilization. Intelligent, conscious, holding territory as a people holds it.

It need not have been technological. Coordination is the thing that makes a border possible, and coordination can run on telepathy. A species that could feel where its own were and where the intruders were would hold ground as well as any army.

Bones of such a population would sit in a drawer labelled fauna. Nobody looks at a large carnivore skeleton and asks whether it was defending a frontier.

And the Americas had predators nothing else had. The short-faced bear, eleven feet upright, the largest land carnivore that has ever existed. Two kinds of sabre-toothed cat. The American lion, a quarter larger than an African one. Dire wolves in packs.

All of it died within a few centuries of people arriving.

The usual reading is that we killed them. The other reading is that they held the place and lost it.

What argues against it is that ordinary predators do not exclude humans. We lived beside lions in Africa for two million years and it never stopped us. So it would have to be the organised kind, and nothing in the bone record says which of those we are looking at.

Something that leaves no bones because it is not physical. Guardians. A place that is held without anybody standing there to hold it.

That sounded wild when I first thought it and I am no longer sure it is.

Something physical whose technology does not read as technology. Which is where it went.

The ruins nobody will enter

The Navajo came into the Southwest late and know it. The ruins there are not theirs and they say so.

And they will not go in.

Not out of respect. Out of danger. The places are held, and entering costs you something. That prohibition is old and it is specific and it is about the ruins.

Now set that beside what the esoteric sources say the Atlanteans could do.

Cayce has the Atlanteans drawing energy out of living beings, out of seeds, out of objects. Steiner has the Atlanteans working the life force directly, so that a spoken word acted on the thing it named, and building with the germinating power held in seed. Scott-Elliot calls the early Atlantean motive power vril and says it was carried in the operator.

Atlantis, in every one of those accounts, ran on the handling of vital force.

A people working that way would leave places that are still charged. Not ruins in the ordinary sense. Sites with something left running in them.

Which collapses the spooky version and the physical version into one version. Not a ghost story. Abandoned Atlantean machinery.

And the Navajo know which ruins to stay out of.

I am not claiming the Anasazi ruins are Atlantean. The Pueblo peoples built those and built them recently. What I am saying is that the prohibition has the shape of a prohibition about charged ground, and that Atlantis is the only thing in this account that made ground that way.

Could it have been ordinary humans

Before going further, the boring answer deserves a hearing, because it survives better than expected.

An ordinary human population, arrived by sea, living on a coast that now lies a hundred and twenty metres under water.

Would we see them? Only if they crossed with the people who came later.

If they were killed without mixing, nothing. That is North America in the sixteenth century, run at continental scale, and we know about that one only because somebody wrote it down.

And even if they did cross, the methods would not recognise it. Archaic material gets found by comparing against Neanderthal and Denisovan genomes. A population with no reference and no bones shows up as unexplained structure, and unexplained structure gets attributed to a founding wave from somewhere.

Which is exactly what happened. The field found something unaccounted for in the Amazon and proposed a second migration through Beringia to supply it.

So ordinary humans fit, and they leave the same nothing.

What the traditions say

And here the answer is sitting in the open.

The Lenape and the Iroquois fought a tall people called the Allegewi who held fortified towns on the Mississippi, and drove them south. The Paiute fought the Si-Te-Cah, red-haired and tall and hostile, for generations. The Sioux, the Choctaw and the Comanche all carry a people of giants who held the land first and were destroyed.

The Aztecs said they came into Mexico and found a greater and earlier people already there, whom they called the Toltecs and thought superior to themselves.

The Navajo arrived late and treat the ruins as somebody else's. The Hopi emerged into this world and describe the earlier peoples as displaced.

Every one an arrival account. Came, found people, fought, took the land.

These get read as folklore because the framework has nobody for them to be about.

Toltec

Scott-Elliot names the third Atlantean sub-race the Toltec and calls them the greatest of the seven. He places them in the Americas and describes them as very tall, diminishing over time.

He took the name from the Mexican material, which was widely available in his period. So the word is borrowed.

The placement is not. Saying the Toltecs were a sub-race of Atlantis, in the Americas, tall, is a claim about who they were, and it is not in Prescott.

That is the answer I am going to work with. The Atlanteans held the Americas.

They were there before the continents split

All of which makes the question of how they reached the Americas the wrong question.

Blavatsky has Atlantis as the whole earth in the day of the Fourth Race. Koot Hoomi puts the height around fifty million years ago.

A hundred and eighty million years ago there was no Atlantic. Africa, Europe and the Americas were one mass. The ocean opened after that and has been widening since.

So the Atlanteans were there before the continents split. Nobody arrived anywhere. The land came apart underneath them.

And the ocean would not have stopped them either

The sources have the Atlanteans flying. Scott-Elliot describes their airships and the force that drove them. Steiner has their vessels moving above the ground on the energy held in seed. They had aliens coming and going, they were Orion and Pleiadian in their connections, and the accounts give them gates.

A people like that does not have an ocean problem. Crossing water is the least of what is claimed for them.

And this is where the whole framing of the Americas goes wrong. The field is obsessed with how humans got there. Which corridor, which coast, which century the ice pulled back.

Meanwhile the people already holding the place were flying to the stars.

They were an alien civilization that had landed and stayed, in cities, adapted to this planet by their own genetic engineering. The wilderness outside the cities was ours. We were the ones walking.

What the split did

One thing the drift does bear on.

The flood at Gibraltar took the Mediterranean arc and registered nowhere outside that basin. Anything held across the ocean would have been untouched.

The centre could fall and the rest could stand.

Giants?

Seven feet, on Finyet's account. A tall man, not a giant. The tallest people alive reach it.

Set a people averaging seven feet beside a people averaging five foot six and giant needs no exaggeration behind it.

The Paiute say the Si-Te-Cah were red-haired. Finyet says the people who most resemble Atlanteans today are Scandinavians. Blavatsky names the Guanches of the Canary Islands among Atlantean descendants, and the Spanish who met the Guanches described them as tall, fair, often red-haired.

Tall. Fair. Hostile. Holding the land first.

Why there is no genetics

Because they would not mix.

The division runs through the whole book. The Lemurians crossed with us repeatedly and their inheritance is in living people from New Guinea to Australia to the Philippines, and possibly in the Amazon.

The Atlanteans were the other kind. Cities, ranks, a servant class. Every source describes a people who worked on other peoples instead of marrying them.

A closed people leaves nothing.

That is the American case from the sixteenth century with the roles swapped. The Atlanteans were the English in this story and we were the ones pushed west.

Until we were not.

Then they went

The traditions say the giants ended in fire. The Paiute have them burned out of a cave at Lovelock.

Finyet has the Atlanteans gathering their technology and leaving the planet altogether.

Departure and destruction look the same from the ground, if what you see is the light.

Whatever happened, they stopped holding it. Humans came in, and within two thousand years we were at the southern tip of South America.

The technology did not leave

One more thing follows and it is not comfortable.

What the Atlanteans had was a way of taking energy out of living things and using it. Out of people, in Cayce's account, which is what the servant class was for and what the great quarrel was about.

That knowledge did not die with them. It went where such things go: into closed hands, held by people who do not publish.

And the other Atlantean art is running openly. They engineered living beings, bred stock for purposes, and built a class to serve. We are doing that again now and calling it biotechnology.

So the two things Atlantis is remembered for, the taking of life force and the making of people, are both here. One in secret and one in the journals.

And America

One further thing, and it comes from evidence I trust more than channeling.

Hypnotic regression. Ordinary people, no interest in the subject, material arriving unexpectedly and surprising them. Nobody comes wanting an Atlantean life. It leaks out of the astral field on its own.

And Atlantean lives come up constantly. Cayce gave about two thousand life readings and roughly seven hundred turned up a life in Atlantis. A third of everyone who came to him.

Given in America, to Americans.

Which makes sense if the Atlanteans held this continent. Souls return to ground they have a bond with.

And there is the karma. Atlantis fell over the breeding of a servant class and the quarrel about what was owed to them. Karma gets worked out where it was made.

America is where slavery was built at continental scale, and where the argument about it broke the country apart.

So what would settle it

Native American genomes have been sequenced in quantity and the data are public.

The Atlanteans kept apart, so the expected signal is small. Small is not nothing.

Closed peoples are never perfectly closed. Contact, war and captive-taking over a long period leave something.

And they did genetic work on the peoples around them. Cayce describes the laboratories. Enki describes surveying stock and building from it. A people doing that is putting their own material into their neighbours by another route.

So: take Native American genomes and look for ghost populations. Long stretches, far more divergent from ordinary human DNA than any human stretch should be, matching nothing ever sequenced.

That is the method that found the Korimians in 2026, from living people alone, with no ancient bone to compare against.

Has anybody run it on Native Americans?

---

Why did they go?

The thing that bothers me about all of the above.

If the Atlanteans held the Americas, and they had airships and vital-force technology and gates and extraterrestrial visitors, then how did they lose it to people with spears?

They could have killed us. Easily, and at any point.

Instead the traditions have the giants driven south, burned out of a cave, gone. And Finyet has them gathering their technology and leaving the planet altogether.

That is not what a superior civilization does when it loses a war. It is what one does when it decides to go.

Some answers that occurred to me

They were few. Cities, not a population. A technological people in a handful of cities does not hold a continent against a population that keeps arriving and breeding. Rome and the Germans.

They were already ending. Every source has them in decline. The centre had fallen at Gibraltar. What was left in the Americas may have been running on inherited machinery nobody could still build.

The technology stopped working. Steiner is explicit about this. The vital-force machines worked because the air was denser and the world was more answerable to will. Both faded. A people whose power depends on conditions that are changing loses the power as the conditions change, and intelligence does not recover it.

They could not use it on us. They worked with life force and we were the life force. The servant class was the supply. Killing the population destroys the thing you run on.

They were not allowed to. The whole quarrel that destroyed Atlantis was about what was owed to the peoples they had made. One faction lost that argument and the civilization went with it. A people carrying that history does not do it again.

None of those satisfies me.

The one I think is right

The world went dark and they could not live in it.

Metatron, channeled, gives the shape. Atlantis existed for over two hundred thousand years, and the vast majority of that was epochs of light. Only the final phase went dark, from about seventeen thousand five hundred to ten thousand five hundred before our era.

Seven thousand years of darkening at the end. Not a metaphor. A period, with dates on it.

And the Hindu chronology has the same thing under another name. Kali Yuga, the dark age, the lowest part of a cycle. Whatever the mechanism, the accounts agree that the world dropped.

A people of high vibration in a world that is dropping has a problem that force cannot solve. They held it in the cities for a while. You can hold a small volume against the surrounding conditions, which is what a city is. But holding it gets harder as everything outside goes further down, and eventually the effort exceeds what the place is worth.

Their machines may have stopped working. Their bodies may have stopped being comfortable in it. And if they were sensitive to energy, as everything in the sources says they were, then a planet filling up with competitive humans would have been unpleasant in a way that has nothing to do with military threat.

The astral environment changed. They were the ones who could feel it.

And they knew it was coming

My own book has the line that settles it for me. The enlightened population of Atlantis escaped from the surface of the planet before the catastrophe, and settled in the Pleiades, in the Andromeda galaxy, and in inner-Earth cities.

Before. Not during and not after.

And the ones who left are named as the enlightened part, which means the split was by vibration. The ones who could still hold it went. The ones who could not stayed, and lost their culture and their numbers, and the remaining humans started again from very little.

So nobody pushed them out.

They were leaving a world that had become the wrong place for them, and the people with spears walked into ground that was being vacated.

What I cannot tell

Whether the darkening was something that happened to the planet or something we did to it.

Both readings are in the sources. The cycle turned and the world went down on its own. Or a species was built without compassion, spread across the earth, and made the place unlivable for anything finer than itself.

The second is not comfortable. It is also consistent with everything else this book has arrived at.

---

Thirteen thousand years ago: water

This is where the esoteric sources agree with each other more closely than anywhere else in the record, and where the physical evidence is loudest. It is also where Atlantis ends.

The ice let go

Around nineteen thousand years ago the glaciers stopped advancing and began to melt.

What was locked up in them is hard to hold in the mind. Enough water that the sea stood a hundred and twenty metres below its present level. Ice two miles thick over Canada and northern Europe.

All of that went back into the ocean over the next eight thousand years, and it did not go back evenly. It went in surges.

The largest is called Meltwater Pulse 1A, about fourteen and a half thousand years ago. The sea rose somewhere between fifteen and twenty metres in under five hundred years. In places that is four metres in a century, which is fast enough to be visible within a life.

Every coastline on the planet moved inland. Anything built on the old shore went under and is still under.

Then it reversed

At twelve thousand nine hundred years ago the warming stopped and went backwards.

Within a few decades the northern hemisphere returned to near-glacial cold. It held there for over a thousand years and then released again, as abruptly as it had started, at eleven thousand seven hundred.

That is the Younger Dryas, and it is the most violent climatic reversal in the span of our species. What caused it is argued about. The standard account has meltwater from a collapsing North American ice lake pouring into the Atlantic and shutting down the circulation that carries heat north. A competing account has a comet.

Five sources, one window

Now set the esoteric material beside that, and the agreement is the closest in this book.

Plato, writing around 360 before our era from what he says came through the Egyptian priests, puts the sinking nine thousand years before Solon. About nine thousand six hundred before our era, which is eleven and a half thousand years ago.

Blavatsky, in 1888, describes a serious terrestrial change around twelve thousand years ago, followed by the submergence of the last Atlantic island, Poseidonis, at nine thousand five hundred and sixty-four before our era.

Cayce, in trance from the nineteen twenties, puts the final destruction of Atlantis at about ten thousand before our era, with advance warning and the migration of survivors.

Ra, through Carla Rueckert in 1981, gives catastrophic Atlantean warfare around eleven thousand years ago, a destruction at ten thousand eight hundred and twenty-one years ago, and the last great land masses submerging about nine thousand six hundred years ago.

Bashar, through Darryl Anka and on record by 1996, places Atlantis at about eleven to twelve thousand years ago.

Five sources. Five traditions. Two and a half thousand years between the earliest and the latest of them. And every one lands inside a window about two thousand years wide, on the most violent stretch of sea-level and climate change our species has lived through.

One point about Bashar's date

The Younger Dryas impact hypothesis, which proposes a comet at twelve thousand nine hundred years ago, entered public circulation only after 2007.

Bashar's placement is on record by 1996, eleven years earlier.

And the traditions that give no dates

The flood accounts are not dated and they are everywhere. Sumer, Genesis, India, Greece, the Hopi, the Popol Vuh, and hundreds of peoples across North America.

The Popol Vuh is the book of the K'iche' Maya of Guatemala, written down in the fifteen fifties from an older oral tradition. It carries their account of the creation of the world and of the peoples in it.

What they agree on is the shape. A world before this one, populated, ended by water, and a remnant that came through.

That many peoples remembering a flood has sometimes been treated as a puzzle, as though it needed one enormous event to explain it. It does not. The sea rose a hundred and twenty metres across this period, in surges, and every human population on earth was living on a coast that was being taken from them. Each of them had their own flood, and each of them remembered it.

What the esoteric sources say caused it

The five agree on when. They give three different causes.

Bashar gives an impact. A meteor striking the ocean floor in the Atlantic, and the tsunami from it wiping the country clean. What was left above water afterward, on his account, is the Bahamas, the Antilles, Cuba, Puerto Rico and some of the Azores.

That is the comet account, and he was giving it before the comet account existed in public. The Younger Dryas impact hypothesis reached wide circulation after 2007 and Bashar is on record by 1996.

Ra gives war. Catastrophic Atlantean warfare around eleven thousand years ago, which is before the final submergence. So the destruction comes in two stages on that account: they fought, and then the water took what was left.

And Cayce gives warning. His account has the final destruction foreseen, with time to act on it, and organised migration to Egypt, to the Yucatan, to Peru and the Andes, to the Pyrenees, and to what is now Nevada and Colorado.

Which means that whatever came, it was predictable. That fits an impact seen coming, and it fits a slow rise in the sea, and it fits nothing sudden.

Possibly all three happened. The sea had been rising for six thousand years and everyone could see it. The remaining Atlantean holdings fought over what was left. And something arrived at the end.

What the water comes to

The ice melted between nineteen and eleven thousand years ago, in surges, and the sea rose a hundred and twenty metres.

The Younger Dryas interrupted that at twelve thousand nine hundred and released again at eleven thousand seven hundred.

Five esoteric sources, recorded across two and a half thousand years, put the end of Atlantis inside that window.

And after it there is no Atlantis left to destroy. Whatever the Atlanteans had been, the last of their country goes under here, and what follows is us alone with the remnants.

---

Seven thousand years ago: we turned on ourselves

Everything before this point concerns other peoples. This last piece is only us, and it is the best evidence in the book for what we are.

The two lines can be read separately

The Y chromosome passes from father to son and from nowhere else. Mitochondrial DNA passes from mother to child. So those two carry the male history and the female history of a population separately, which nothing else in the genome allows.

Read them side by side across the last ten thousand years and they do not match.

What happened to the men

Between about seven thousand and five thousand years ago the effective male population collapsed.

The fall is on the order of twentyfold. At the low point the estimates give roughly one reproducing man for every seventeen women.

The female line did the opposite. It held, and in most places it grew.

Disease takes both sexes. So does famine, and so does climate, and no climatic event of the necessary size falls in that window.

Whatever happened acted on men.

What did it

War is part of it. Men fight and women do not, the winners kill the men and take the women, and that is scenario two.

But war on its own does not produce a twentyfold collapse. Kill half the men in a region and the survivors still carry half the variety. Something narrower was happening.

What narrows a male line that far is unequal reproduction.

In a clan holding land through descent from one man, the head of the line and his close kin father a great many children. Everyone else fathers almost none. Younger sons, poor relations, dependants, servants. They live, they work, and their lines end with them.

So one man's Y chromosome spreads across a whole district in four generations, and forty other men's do not spread at all. Nobody has to die for that to happen.

Then add the fighting on top, because clans holding land have a reason to eliminate each other rather than merely raid, and every clan destroyed removes one lineage entire.

Russian history shows the shape plainly. A thousand years ago the country ran on local princes. Each one held his territory, fathered children on whoever he liked, and made war on the neighbouring prince. Those lines multiplied across whole regions. The men working their land left far less behind them, and the princes who lost left nothing.

Do that across most of the inhabited world for two thousand years and the male line of the species narrows to almost nothing while the female line carries on, because the women went to the winners and their mothers' lines went with them.

Why agriculture is behind it

None of the above works without land that can be owned.

A hunting range cannot be. You cannot fence it, you cannot inherit it, and a stranger crossing it costs you very little. Foragers have nothing to store and nothing to pass on, and their reproduction is far more even in consequence.

A field is different. It is worth the same next year as this year, it can be held, and it goes to a son.

So farming creates heritable property. Heritable property creates a lineage that owns something. And a lineage that owns something has a reason to fight the lineage next to it, and a reason to concentrate its reproduction in whoever holds the title.

The surplus does the rest. Stored grain feeds people who do not farm, which is how one man comes to have armed retainers and several wives while forty men working the same land have neither.

Why the foragers did not dilute it

The world was still thinly populated, and a great many peoples never took up farming at all. Their male lines were not being narrowed. So why does the collapse show up in everyone?

Three reasons together.

They were already outnumbered. By seven thousand years ago farmers were far more numerous and growing many times faster, because farming feeds more people per acre than hunting does.

They did not mix in. The ancient DNA shows farmers replacing foragers across Europe and Anatolia, not absorbing them. The forager lines mostly ended.

And the measure itself is the third reason. This is effective population size, which is dominated by whoever is contributing most of the next generation. A small forager population sitting outside the farming world barely moves that number, however varied it is inside itself.

So the collapse is real and it is also partial. It is the male line of the farming world narrowing, and the farming world becoming nearly everybody.

And it was us

No volcano, no impact, no ice, no plague picks one sex.

This is humanity killing humanity at a scale that shows up in the genome of everyone alive. And it is recent: five thousand years ago is after agriculture, after pottery, after the first towns, and within a few thousand years of writing.

What it gives back to the argument

This has been a long way from the parahuman peoples, and it returns three things.

It proves the mechanism. Everywhere else this book says a people vanished because we took them, and everywhere else that is an inference about events nobody recorded. Here it is measured. A reproducing lineage narrowed twentyfold in two thousand years by human beings doing it to each other, in a period we can date, and nobody disputes the finding.

It shows what such an event looks like in a genome, which is to say it shows that it looks like nothing. Read the whole genome without separating the sexes and you see a bottleneck. You attribute it to climate, because that is what bottlenecks are usually attributed to. The only reason this one was caught is that the Y chromosome and the mitochondria can be read apart.

So a parahuman people removed the same way would have left a signal that is already in the data, being read as something else. Nobody has gone looking.

And it settles what we are. The book has argued that we were built competitive, promiscuous and unrestrained, and that this is why we outlasted everyone.

Here is that disposition working on ourselves. Five thousand years ago, after the last parahuman people was already gone, with nobody else left on the planet to do it to.

We did it to each other.