The world that ended in water
This is the broadest claim in the subject and the best attested, and it is worth setting out before anything else, because everything afterward is a question about the details of something already widely agreed.
The Sumerian King List names kings who reigned before the flood, for spans of tens of thousands of years each, in cities afterward destroyed. Atrahasis and Gilgamesh describe a humanity before the water and distinguish it from the humanity after.
Genesis carries the version that reached Europe. The wickedness of man is great, one righteous man is warned, the waters cover the mountains, and the world is repopulated from those aboard.
India gives it as structure rather than as a single event, in the manvantaras already described.
Greece keeps Deucalion and Pyrrha, warned by Prometheus, riding out the flood in an ark and landing on a mountain.
Plato gives the account that carries a name. A great power beyond the Pillars of Hercules, larger than Libya and Asia together, ruling parts of Europe and Africa, which in a single day and night of misfortune was swallowed by the sea.
Across the Atlantic the same account appears.
The Aztec and Nahua tradition holds that the world has passed through five cycles of creation and destruction, called Suns, and that ours is the fifth. The fourth, called Nahui Atl, Four Water, ended in a flood which turned all mankind to fishes. The water and the sky drew near one another, and in a single day all was lost. Two people survived, in a hollowed cypress.
In a single day all was lost. Plato says a single day and night of misfortune.
And the count is worth holding onto. Five ages, ours the fifth. Blavatsky gives seven Root Races and places us in the fifth, with two still to come. The Aztecs had that number in Mexico before any European reached them, and the Hopi have it too, counting themselves in the Fourth World and on the threshold of the Fifth.
The Maya Popol Vuh, the book of the K'iche' Maya of Guatemala, written down in the fifteen fifties from older oral material, has the wooden people before us, an earlier humanity which could speak and multiply but lacked consciousness, destroyed by a flood sent by the Heart of Sky.
The Hopi live in the Fourth World and stand at the threshold of the Fifth. The first world ended in fire, the second in cold, the third in flood, and those who kept the laws survived each time, sheltered on the third occasion inside hollow reeds and emerging through the sipapu.
Flood traditions of this kind run through nearly every nation of North America. The Ifugao of the Philippines have Wigan and Bugan. The Miao of southern China carry a version some have argued is among the oldest anywhere.
So: a former world, peopled, destroyed by water, followed by ours. Recorded on every inhabited continent, from hundreds of separate peoples, in traditions that agree on the shape and differ on everything else.
Their bodies were not ours
A great many people alive today remember being Atlantean. Of the roughly two thousand life readings Cayce gave, the ones that look into past incarnations, about seven hundred turned up a life in Atlantis. A third of everyone who came to him. So the Atlanteans are not strangers, and in the sense that matters to the traditions themselves they are us: the same souls, returned.
The bodies are another matter, and here the sources divide.
One group describes the earlier people as less than us. The Zohar says that before Adam there were many generations of people in the world, that they were like monkeys, and that there was no true human image in them. The Maya say it from the other side of the Atlantic: the wooden people could speak and multiply but had no consciousness and no gratitude toward their makers, and when the flood took them they became the monkeys.
The other group describes them as greater than us.
Genesis puts the sons of God taking the daughters of men, and their children are the Nephilim, the mighty men of old, the men of renown. Giants, born of a crossing between two kinds, immediately before the flood.
Blavatsky's Fourth Race are giants, and she has each Root Race arriving rather than growing out of the one before.
Steiner gives the Atlanteans a pictorial perception rather than a reasoning one, prodigious memory, and a working command of the life force, none of which we retain.
And Finyet, asked directly whether the Atlanteans were Homo sapiens, answers that they were not humans. Around seven feet. Some with elongated heads. More than one species among them, welcomed from different parts of the galaxy.
So half the sources say the people before us were unfinished and the other half say they were magnificent. That looks like a straight contradiction, and it may not be one.
Cayce describes a third class in Atlantis, alongside the Atlanteans proper. He calls them the things and the automatons: beings used for labour, bred in underground laboratories beneath the cities, some carrying tails or feathers or scales, deformities linking them to the animal world.
And he says the great quarrel that destroyed Atlantis was about them. Atlantean society split into two parties over how such beings should be treated. One called itself the Children of the Law of One, holding that the soul is given by the Creator and that these beings therefore had souls and should be raised in consciousness. The other, whom Cayce names the Sons of Belial, after the biblical word for worthlessness, held no standard save self and self-aggrandizement, and wanted the servant class kept ignorant and kept working.
Cayce is an early voice in a tradition that has said this many times since. The engineering of a servant class, the drawing of energy out of them, and the corrupting of their souls recurs across the channeled material as the central sin of Atlantis and as the reason it was destroyed.
On that account the two groups of sources may be describing two classes within one civilization rather than two different eras. The Zohar's generations that were like monkeys, and the Maya wooden people, would be accounts of the servant class. The Nephilim, Blavatsky's giants, Steiner's Atlanteans with their pictorial sight and their command of the life force, and Finyet's seven-foot people from elsewhere, would be accounts of the masters.
What survives either way is the part that concerns this essay. Both classes had bodies, and both bodies were unlike ours.
Where the sources put it
Plato is specific and everyone since has started from him. Atlantis lay beyond the Pillars of Hercules, which is the strait between Spain and Morocco, out in the open Atlantic. It was larger than Libya and Asia together. And it was swallowed by the sea.
That is nearly all he gives on the geography, and it has been enough to keep the argument running for two thousand four hundred years.
The first map was drawn by Athanasius Kircher, a Jesuit in Rome, in 1665. He placed the island in the middle of the Atlantic between Spain and America, drew it with south at the top, labelled it insula Atlantis, and proposed that the Azores are its surviving mountain peaks. Every popular image of Atlantis since descends from that map, including Donnelly's in 1882, which was the book that carried the subject into the modern era and which Blavatsky read before she wrote.
Others put it elsewhere. Olaus Rudbeck argued in four volumes in 1679 that it was Sweden. Lopez de Gomara, Francis Bacon and Humboldt each identified it with America. Warren placed the cradle of humanity at the North Pole in 1885. Brasseur de Bourbourg in the 1860s connected it to the Maya, and Le Plongeon after him.
The Theosophical account keeps the Atlantic but makes it very much larger. Blavatsky has a continent occupying much of that ocean, sinking in portions across an immense period, with the last island, Poseidonis, going under in 9564 before our era. Scott-Elliot printed maps of four separate periods showing the continent shrinking.
Cayce keeps the Atlantic too, and gives the islands names. One landmass broken into five, then reduced to three, called Poseidia, Og and Aryan, then finally sunk. He identified Bimini in the Bahamas as the site of a Poseidian temple, and went there himself in 1927.
And then there is Finyet, who gives something different from all of them, and gives it in more detail. That comes below, in its own place.
So the sources agree on the Atlantic and disagree on nearly everything else.
What the sea floor permits
Start with the one that can be dismissed quickly, because it is the one everybody believes.
Kircher's mid-Atlantic island cannot have existed. The middle of the Atlantic is where the sea floor is manufactured: two plates pulling apart, magma rising into the seam, new rock forming continuously along it. The floor spreads outward at a few centimetres a year, so the rock is youngest at the ridge and grows steadily older in both directions, reaching about a hundred and eighty million years at the continental margins. That age gradient is symmetrical, it is measured, and it is the observation that established plate tectonics. There was never continental crust in the middle of that ocean. The basin has only ever been getting wider.
The Azores are volcanic islands sitting on the ridge, the exposed tops of mountains rising three or four kilometres from the floor, which is why Kircher took them for peaks of a drowned country. But they are young, most of them a few million years old and some far younger, and volcanic islands of that kind grow and then erode rather than sinking. They have never held more land than they hold now.
So the most famous placement in the whole subject is the least defensible, and it is least defensible for reasons nobody could have known in 1665.
What is left is the Mediterranean, which is where Finyet puts it, and the drowned continental shelves of the eastern Atlantic, off Iberia and Morocco and West Africa and around the Canaries. Those shelves are real lost land, taken by rising sea rather than by sinking crust.
When
The dates in the sources run from twelve hundred years before our era to five million years ago, which is a spread of six orders of magnitude. They cluster, though, rather than scattering evenly, and the clusters are worth taking one at a time.
Blavatsky and Koot Hoomi
Three sources carry the deep chronology, and they agree with one another.
Blavatsky gives the sequence in The Secret Doctrine. The Atlanteans are the Fourth Race, and she says that Atlantis was the whole earth in the day of that Race. Their land went down by degrees rather than at once, leaving islands, and the islands went one after another, the last of them at about eleven and a half thousand years ago, which is the one Plato heard of.
Koot Hoomi gives the timing, in a letter of 1882. The sinking of Atlantis, he writes, meaning the group of continents and isles, began during the Miocene, as certain of your continents are now observed to be gradually sinking. It culminated first in the final disappearance of the largest continent, an event coincident with the elevation of the Alps, and second with the loss of the last of the fair islands Plato mentions. He places the height of the Atlantean cycle in the very first part of the Eocene.
Scott-Elliot, working later from Leadbeater's clairvoyant reading, puts the first Atlantean sub-race at four to five million years ago and maps the land shrinking across four successive periods.
Taken together: a height around fifty million years ago, land that covered much of the world, a long subsidence beginning in the Miocene, and a culmination tied to the raising of the Alps.
The Puranas run in millions throughout.
The others
Cayce gives three destructions, at roughly fifty-eight thousand, twenty thousand and ten thousand before our era, with an eastern remnant lasting to about twelve hundred.
Finyet places the last blow to Atlantis at twenty-three to twenty-four thousand years ago.
Bashar gives a destruction at seventy thousand years ago and another at around twenty-three and a half thousand.
Plato has the sinking nine thousand years before Solon, which is about nine thousand six hundred before our era.
The two scales do not contradict each other
Blavatsky says so herself, and it is the key to the whole chronology.
Writing about Plato, she says his Atlanteans were the last remnant of the race, its degenerate descendants. Plato was not describing Atlantis. He was describing what was left of it at the end.
And her own account is built that way throughout. Not one destruction but a series, spread across an immense period, each taking another piece. Every date belongs somewhere on one long decline.
Cayce's final destruction at ten thousand before our era, Plato's at nine thousand six hundred, and Blavatsky's Poseidonis at nine thousand five hundred and sixty-four are three sources landing within four hundred years of each other, at the end of the last ice age, when meltwater was raising sea levels worldwide and coastlines were drowning everywhere.
The same story in the geological and biological record
Sixty-six million years ago an asteroid struck what is now Mexico and the dinosaurs ended. They had held this planet for a hundred and eighty million years, and their going left it emptier than it had been in a very long time. The mammals that survived were small, and nothing large was in possession of anything.
The land the accounts describe was there. Before about a hundred and eighty million years ago the Atlantic did not exist, and Africa, Europe and the Americas were one continuous mass, with the bulge of Brazil sitting against the Gulf of Guinea. Geologists call the whole of it Pangaea. Then it opened, and it has been widening ever since, and the continental edges on both sides, which are stretched and thinned continental rock, subsided as it went. A great deal of that land lies under water now, out beyond the present shores.
So the Earth of that period was one land, and it has been coming apart and going under ever since. Which is what the accounts say: Atlantis was the whole earth in the day of the Fourth Race, and it sank by degrees.
Around fifty million years ago, in the warmest and most hospitable stretch the world has had since, the Atlantean cycle reaches its height. There were no hominins then and there would be none for tens of millions of years. Primates existed, small and living in trees. The human line does not separate from the chimpanzees until about seven million years ago, stone tools appear at three million, and our own species at three hundred thousand.
Then the long subsidence, from about twenty-three million years ago.
And it culminates at the end of that period, where Koot Hoomi puts it, in the raising of the Alps. Africa had been pushing north into Europe for a long time, and although the mountains had existed for tens of millions of years, the bulk of their present height was built in the last five or six million, with uplift rates more than doubling from the late Miocene onward.
That same collision did something else at the same moment, and it is the subject of what follows.
The shape of the place
Everything in this account comes from divination, and the section that follows is no exception.
Jim Charles is a trance channel I have worked with for some years now, in weekly sessions. The material comes through several voices, of whom Finyet, who speaks as an Atlantean, is one. Jim's own background is a Protestant Christian one and his formal education ended there. He has not studied Theosophy, and Blavatsky, Scott-Elliot and the Mahatma letters play no part in his reading. I say this because what came through him about the geography of Atlantis is unlike anything in that literature, and because at the time of asking I was in no position to feed it to him. The Messinian was unknown to me, and I had no expectation of any answer in particular.
I asked him what Atlantis had looked like.
Finyet said it was not a very big continent. More of a large island, and long, winding, curved. Its eastern end lay among the Greek islands, and Crete had been joined to it. From there it ran west along the middle of the Mediterranean, passed through the strait between Spain and Morocco, and continued into the Atlantic along the front of Portugal. Parts of it survive, he said, as the Greek islands. And Atlantis reached over the whole world, including North America, without being situated there.
That description is unlike anything else in the literature. Plato's island is in the open Atlantic. Kircher's map, which every later picture descends from, puts it mid-ocean between Spain and America. Blavatsky's continent is Atlantic. Cayce's three islands are Atlantic. Finyet's runs the other way, back inside the Mediterranean, and reaches from Greece to Portugal.
And the gate
There is a second thing in the accounts, and it has been sitting in plain sight for two and a half thousand years.
Plato says the destruction came from beyond the Pillars of Hercules, which is the strait between Spain and Morocco. Not from the north, not from the east, not from a rising sea generally. From that gap.
Finyet's island runs through the same gap.
So the sources place both the country and the disaster on one narrow point of the map, and they specify that the water came in through it.
Hold that, because it is a prediction, and it is the kind that can be checked. If the accounts are right, then something happened at the Strait of Gibraltar which drowned the Mediterranean, and it came from the Atlantic side.
The difficulty
Before any of that can be looked at, the geography has to be possible, and at first it is not.
The Mediterranean is deep. Down its middle the floor lies two to four kilometres below the surface. At the coldest point of the last ice age, sea level stood about a hundred and twenty metres lower than now, which would have widened the beaches and left the deep basins entirely untouched. There is no lowering of the sea that puts land where Finyet says land was. To raise a ribbon of ground down the middle of that water would take thousands of metres of uplift.
So I went looking for any period in which that ground could have been dry.
What the search turned up
The Mediterranean has a history that no other sea has.
It loses more water to evaporation than its rivers supply, and it stays full only because Atlantic water flows in through the Strait of Gibraltar. Close that strait and the sea begins to disappear.
Around six million years ago, tectonic movement closed it. The sea evaporated. Within a geologically short time the basin was largely dry, its floor lying kilometres below the level of the ocean outside, with salt flats and hypersaline lakes at the lowest points. Geologists call it the Messinian salinity crisis, after Messina in Sicily.
The evidence for it was found by accident. In 1970 a drilling ship brought up cores from beneath the Mediterranean floor and struck evaporites, salt and gypsum, in beds up to two or three kilometres thick, amounting to something like a million cubic kilometres. Salt of that kind forms by evaporation, and it does not form under two miles of seawater.
And there is a second line of evidence which is harder to argue with. When the sea went, the rivers cut down to the new base level. The Nile carved a gorge some two and a half kilometres deep, running far inland past where Aswan now stands. The Rhone cut a similar canyon beneath what is now Lyon. Both are buried under later sediment and both were found by drilling. Rivers cut canyons of that depth only when the sea they empty into has dropped by that much.
How completely it dried is still argued. Several studies suggest the Gibraltar connection stayed partly active throughout, which would give a shrunken and hypersaline sea rather than a desert. The salt is not disputed and the canyons are not disputed. The depth of the drawdown is.
But a floor kilometres below the ocean outside it, dry or half dry, is the only condition under which the ground Finyet describes stands above water. And it is the only such window in the last twenty million years.
It runs from about six million years ago to five and a third million years ago.
Which is where Koot Hoomi put the culmination, and where the Alps did most of their rising.
An island in a dry basin
There is an objection here which took me some time to see.
If the basin was dry, then Finyet's island is not an island. It is high ground standing above a desert floor, with land on every side of it.
The partial answer is that the floor was not uniformly dry. Hypersaline lakes stood at the lowest points, and the sea appears to have refilled and re-evaporated repeatedly rather than vanishing once. A raised arc could have stood surrounded by brine for long stretches and would have been an island to anyone living on it.
The harder question is what became of the high ground. Land standing a kilometre or two above the Messinian floor should still be raised ground today, and should appear on the charts as a long submarine rise.
Something is there. The Mediterranean Ridge is an arc running from west of Greece, curving around Crete, and reaching toward Libya. It is hundreds of kilometres long and it is a genuinely elevated feature of the sea floor. Crete sits at its eastern end, which is where Finyet puts Crete joined to Atlantis.
I did not go looking for that. The ridge is an accretionary wedge, built where one plate is pushing beneath another, and it is still rising, so it is a fold in the crust rather than a drowned country. But it is in the right place and it has the right shape, and it would have stood above the Messinian floor.
The western part of his arc, out past Portugal, has no equivalent. That is deep ocean and always was.
The flood
Around five and a third million years ago the barrier at Gibraltar failed.
The reconstruction has a channel roughly two hundred kilometres long cutting down through the sill, with discharge on the order of a hundred million cubic metres a second, and the water level inside the basin rising something like ten metres a day at its peak. Most of the Mediterranean refilled within months to a couple of years. It is called the Zanclean flood, and it is among the largest floods known anywhere in the history of this planet.
Water. Arriving fast. Through the gate between Spain and Morocco.
Which is where the accounts said to look, and from the direction they said it would come.
One earlier attempt
In 2003 Robert Sarmast published Discovery of Atlantis, placing it offshore Cyprus beneath about a kilometre and a half of water, and he built the case on the Messinian, arguing that the basin had dried and its floor had been habitable. He assembled a good deal in support: the copper of Cyprus, the extinct dwarf elephants of the island, local place names, and a Cypriot festival called Kataklysmos.
His expeditions found nothing, and the geology that supplied his setting undid his dating. He needed the basin dry at Plato's nine thousand six hundred before our era, and the Mediterranean last dried more than five million years before that. Drilling south of Cyprus recovers continuous marine sediment above the Messinian horizon, meaning the sea has been in place, without interruption, ever since.
He was pulling the Messinian forward to meet Plato. It does not come forward.
The account set out here leaves it where it is, and finds Koot Hoomi and Blavatsky already there.
And one thing the flood does not explain
The Zanclean flood was regionally total. Every endemic species in that sea died, species turnover exceeds thirty percent across every group examined, and the mammal faunas of the surrounding lands reorganise completely across the boundary.
It was not global. Nothing registers in India, in China, in the Americas, in central Africa. No mass extinction, no worldwide climate change.
So a power reaching over the whole world, as the sources describe, would have lost its homeland and kept everything else. The flood accounts for the drowning of a country. It does not account for the fall of an empire, and something else must.
The later period
The flood took the country. It did not take everyone, and the sources are clear that it did not.
Blavatsky's land goes down by degrees across the millions of years that follow. Two large islands are lost at eight hundred and fifty thousand years ago. A smaller one at two hundred and seventy thousand. And the last at about eleven and a half thousand years ago, which is the one Plato heard of.
Cayce gives the dispersal, and his account concerns the late period. Survivors went to Egypt, to the Yucatan, to Peru and the Andes, to the Pyrenees, and to Nevada and Colorado. He places records of Atlantean work in three sites: in the sunken land itself, in Egypt, and in the Yucatan.
Finyet has the Atlanteans finally leaving the planet, gathering their technology and going, after a great earthquake and inundation. The Lemurians, he says, relocated instead, moving to North America, to New Zealand and the country near it, and to Crete.
So the late period, in the esoteric accounts, is one of scattered remnants. Some in one place, some in another, some gone.
That is the period the genetic record can reach.
Everything measurable in a genome sits within the last few hundred thousand years, which on this chronology falls after the two large islands are already lost.
So the question narrows. Not what Atlantis was, but what its descendants had become by the time any of them entered a line we can still read.
Looking for them in the genome
What we are actually looking for
Start with who was living here.
Two peoples who were not human lived permanently on this planet. The Lemurians, who were here first, and the Atlanteans after them. Both had land, cities, populations, and sub-races. Both lived here for millions of years and left descendants.
Now the genetics. What can be found in human DNA is a resident breeding population: a group living somewhere long enough to drift into a distinct lineage, isolated from us, and then crossing back with our ancestors.
So the archaic populations detectable in our DNA had that history. On the account the esoteric, divined and channeled sources give, the parahuman peoples of this planet were the Lemurians and the Atlanteans.
One qualification about those two names. They are not two boxes with a wall between them. The land began as one mass and divided, and the two names attach to two general regions afterward, one eastern and one western. So the work is a clustering job. Sort the archaic populations by where they are found and see whether they gather toward one region or the other. They may not cluster at all, and that would be a result too.
A word for them
Before going further there is a vocabulary problem to settle, and it is not a small one.
Until recently the question did not arise. There was one extinct species of our kind, the Neanderthals, and then from 2010 there were two, when the Denisovans were identified. Two named peoples need no collective term. You just say both names.
There are now seven. And there is no word for them.
The technical vocabulary does not help. Hominid used to mean humans and our extinct relatives, which is the sense wanted here, but the definition was changed once genetics showed how close we are to the great apes. A hominid now includes gorillas and orangutans. The correct term for our own branch is hominin, which almost nobody outside the field knows and which looks like a misspelling of hominid. Both words also carry the assumption this book is arguing against: that these were steps on the way to becoming us, rather than peoples in their own right.
Humanoid is the word the channeled material uses, and it has real advantages. It covers both the terrestrial peoples and the extraterrestrial ones, which is the continuity the whole account rests on. But it means human-shaped rather than human-related, and in common use it gets applied to robots and to anything in a film with two legs.
So I am going to use parahuman, from the Greek para, meaning alongside. Parahuman peoples: those who lived beside us, of our kind and not of our species.
The word is not in wide use, which is its recommendation. It arrives clean, without a picture already attached to it, and it does not rank them above or below us. Sibling species works as a plain English equivalent and I will use it where it reads better.
One thought about why no such word survives. It is very likely that there was one. For most of the time our species has existed we shared this world with these peoples and had to talk about them, and no language leaves a category unnamed when it is standing in front of you. The word went out of use for a plain reason: we killed the last of them, and after ten or twenty thousand years with nobody left to point at, it had nothing to do.
What the sources say to look for
The channeled and esoteric sources describe the Atlanteans in enough detail to give a specification.
Finyet, the Atlantean voice speaking through Jim Charles, gives the body. Around seven feet tall. Some with elongated skulls. More than one kind among them, welcomed here from different parts of the galaxy. And asked directly whether they were Homo sapiens, he says they were not human.
Finyet also gives a quantity. Asked how much of human DNA came from the Atlanteans, he says fifteen to twenty percent.
Scott-Elliot, writing in 1896 from Leadbeater's clairvoyant reading, gives a place. The Atlanteans planted a settlement on the African mainland, on the coast where Ghana and western Nigeria are today, and that settlement was the beginning of the Atlantean race.
Blavatsky gives more places. She speaks of an Africo-Atlantean stock that moved into Europe, and names the Guanches of the Canary Islands and the Basques of northern Spain among the surviving descendants.
Plato gives the outer bound. Atlantis lay beyond the strait between Spain and Morocco, in the Atlantic.
And the sources together give dates. The main land went under around five million years ago. The islands that remained went down long afterward, the largest about eight hundred and fifty thousand years ago, and the last about eleven and a half thousand years ago.
That gives four things to look for: a place, a quantity, a date, and a body.
Three of the four can be checked
Place can be checked, because the people carrying archaic DNA live somewhere.
Quantity can be checked, because archaic ancestry is published as a percentage of a person's genome.
Date can be checked, and here two different dates are involved. They need separating carefully, because the whole argument later turns on the difference between them.
What happens to a population is a branching and then a merging.
A group separates from the rest. Perhaps a river changes course, or a desert widens, or the group simply walks away. From that moment the two halves stop exchanging children. Each accumulates its own small changes in its own DNA, and the changes are different because they happen at random. The longer the two are apart, the more differences pile up between them. That is the branching.
Then, sometimes, the two meet again and have children together. That is the merging, and geneticists call it introgression.
Each of those two events leaves its own mark, and each can be measured.
The branching is measured by counting differences. Take a stretch of archaic DNA out of a living person and compare it with ordinary human DNA. Count the places where they differ. Since differences accumulate at a roughly steady rate, the count tells you how long the two lines had been apart. For the Veshuans this gives somewhere between three hundred and sixty thousand and a million years.
The merging is measured by length. When DNA enters a population it arrives in long unbroken haplotypes, the blocks of DNA that travel through a population as whole units. Every generation afterward, those haplotypes are cut a little shorter, because chromosomes exchange sections when eggs and sperm are formed. So a long haplotype arrived recently and a short one arrived long ago. Length is a clock running from the moment of arrival.
So two numbers, for two different events. One says when they left. The other says when they came back.
They can be very far apart. A people might separate half a million years ago and only rejoin us fifty thousand years ago, having spent the whole interval elsewhere, living their own history.
The body cannot be checked. Five of the seven left no remains. The two that did left bones millions of years younger than the Atlantis the sources describe, and in between the homeland was lost and the survivors were scattered. Body size follows food, climate and the size of the group, and isolated populations shrink within a few thousand years. Seven feet at the height of a civilization tells you nothing about descendants a million years later.
So the work is done on place, quantity and date.
The seven parahuman peoples
Seven can be detected in the DNA of people living today. Two of them have left bones. Five are known only from stretches of DNA carried by the living.
Those five are what population geneticists call ghost populations, and it is worth being exact about how such a thing is found, because at first it sounds impossible.
Every person carries their DNA in blocks called haplotypes, meaning blocks that stay intact across generations and so appear in a population as recurring units. A haplotype comes down whole from one parent, with everything along it kept in the same order, so it can be recognised in a genome as a single piece of inheritance. Each generation the haplotypes get a little shorter, because chromosomes swap sections when eggs and sperm are made, and every swap cuts an existing block in two. Old inheritance is therefore in short haplotypes and recent inheritance is in long ones. Length is a clock.
Separately, DNA accumulates small random changes over time. Two lineages that have been apart for a long time differ in many places. Two that separated recently differ in few. Difference is a second clock, and it measures something else entirely.
Now run both clocks over the genome of a living person, haplotype by haplotype.
Most haplotypes behave as expected. Now and then one does not. It differs from ordinary human DNA far more than any human haplotype should, as though its line had been separate for hundreds of thousands of years. And at the same time it is long, which means it entered the family recently.
Those two facts together can only mean one thing. The haplotype did not descend to us through our own line. It came in from outside, from a people who had been separate from us for a very long time, and it came in recently enough that the stretch has not yet been cut down.
The next step is to ask who the donor was. Compare the haplotype against the Neanderthal genome and the Denisovan genome, both of which have been sequenced from bones. Sometimes it matches one of them and the donor has a name.
Sometimes it matches neither, nor anything else ever recovered from the ground anywhere on earth. The haplotype is there, it is measurable, and it belongs to nobody known.
One such haplotype would prove little. What is found is thousands of these blocks, each passed down entire and each carrying the same foreign signature, scattered across the genome and across many people, all pointing back to the same unknown source. Collected together they amount to a substantial portion of that source's genome, reassembled out of the living. That is a ghost population. It is a people whose existence is certain and whose remains have never been found.
One point needs holding clearly, because it is the easiest thing in this subject to get backwards. When a ghost population is called ancient, that refers to how long its line had been separate from ours, not to how long its DNA has been in us. The DNA may have arrived quite recently. The separation is the old part.
The scientific papers describe these populations by where they were found, which produces phrases like the West African archaic donor. The five have no names of their own, so the names used here are invented from scratch. They are made-up words, chosen so that none collides with a living people or a real place, and built to end the way Denisovan does. Each also carries a number. PH stands for parahuman, the word adopted earlier in this chapter for peoples who lived alongside us, of our kind and not of our species. The numbering runs in order of the publication that established each one, and it will continue as more are found.
PH1, the Neanderthals. Europe and western Asia, from the Atlantic coast of Spain east into Siberia. Present from about four hundred thousand years ago until forty thousand. One to four percent in every person outside Africa. The crossing happened around fifty-five thousand years ago.
PH2, the Denisovans. Asia and out into the islands of the Pacific. Identified in 2010 from a fragment of a child's finger bone in a Siberian cave. Undetectable in Europe, a fraction of a percent across most of Asia, about five percent in New Guinea and Aboriginal Australia. Several crossings, the latest around thirty thousand years ago.
PH3, the Sildarians. Southern and central Africa, inland. Four to six percent in the Khoisan, the Mandenka and others. Their line separated from our ancestors very early.
PH4, the Ravinians. The islands of Southeast Asia. Detected in living people there, matching nothing that has ever been sequenced. Quantity not established.
PH5, the Tamekians. Inside the Denisovan genome rather than inside ours, making up about one percent of it. Their line separated from the ancestors of both of us around one point eight million years ago, older than anything else here. They reach us only through the Denisovans, at second hand.
PH6, the Veshuans. West Africa, on the Atlantic coast. Found in the Yoruba and Esan of Nigeria, the Mende of Sierra Leone and in Gambians, where they make up two to nineteen percent of a person's ancestry. Their line separated from our ancestors between three hundred and sixty thousand and a million years ago. The crossing back is dated loosely, anywhere from a hundred and twenty-four thousand years ago to nearly the present. The donor population numbered somewhere between twenty-two and twenty-eight thousand.
PH7, the Korimians. Everywhere. About one percent in every human being on the planet, in the same measure regardless of where a person comes from. Their line separated from our ancestors around eight hundred thousand years ago.
The crossing date for the Korimians is not measured from fragment length but read off the distribution, and the reasoning is simple. DNA can only be in everyone if it was already in the ancestral population before that population divided and spread across the world. So the Korimian crossing happened before anyone left Africa, which places it earlier than about seventy thousand years ago.
The same reasoning runs the other way for the others. DNA found in one region only arrived after the population carrying it had already settled there. Universal means early. Local means later.
Sorting them: where
The genetics supplies none of the criteria. It only answers.
The first question is place.
The esoteric sources put Atlantis in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, without exception. Plato has it beyond the strait between Spain and Morocco. Scott-Elliot puts the founding colony on the West African coast. Blavatsky names the Canary Islands and northern Spain among the surviving descendants. Finyet describes an arc running from the Greek islands out past Portugal.
The same sources put Lemuria in the Indian and Pacific oceans, with equal consistency.
So the seven can be sorted by where the people carrying their DNA live today.
Three fall to the east.
The Denisovans, PH2, are Asian and Pacific, with their highest concentrations in New Guinea and Aboriginal Australia.
The Ravinians, PH4, are in the islands of Southeast Asia.
The Tamekians, PH5, reach us only through the Denisovans, so whatever they contributed came in by the eastern route.
Those three belong to Lemurian country and to the other half of this inquiry.
Four remain: the Neanderthals PH1, the Sildarians PH3, the Veshuans PH6, and the Korimians PH7.
One question has removed nearly half the field.
Sorting them: how deep
The second question is depth.
The Atlanteans were on this planet long before our own species existed. So whatever they gave us should have entered early.
The Korimians are the earliest that can be seen, and the reasoning is the one set out above. Their DNA is in every human being alive, in the same measure, everywhere. That is only possible if it was already in the ancestral population before that population divided and spread. Nothing arriving later could reach everyone. So the Korimian crossing precedes the departure from Africa, which puts it earlier than any other on the list.
The Veshuans are deep in one sense and loose in the other. Their line separated from our ancestors between three hundred and sixty thousand and a million years ago, which is as deep as the Neanderthal separation or deeper. Their crossing back is dated anywhere from a hundred and twenty-four thousand years ago to nearly the present.
The Neanderthals separated around six hundred thousand years ago and crossed into us late, around fifty-five thousand.
The Sildarians separated early and nothing places their crossing.
This pass ranks. Nobody is eliminated by it. What it gives is an order: Korimians first, then the Veshuans somewhere in a wide range, then the Neanderthals last.
Sorting them: how much
The third question is quantity. Finyet gives a figure: asked how much of human DNA came from the Atlanteans, he said fifteen to twenty percent at the time, possibly higher now.
A number like that should be held loosely. He was giving an impression across an immense span of time, and he added at once that the figures were not available to him for everything that went on. The genetic percentages are firmer, though they too come with wide margins.
Still, the four can be lined up.
The Veshuans reach nineteen percent in the peoples who carry them.
The Sildarians reach six.
The Neanderthals reach four.
The Korimians reach one.
So this pass produces an order, and it runs opposite to the last one. The people who came earliest gave the least. The people who gave the most came late, or at some point in a range too wide to pin.
Those two orderings disagree, and the disagreement stands. Depth points at the Korimians. Quantity points at the Veshuans. Nothing in the material settles it.
Sorting them: what kind
The fourth question is kind. The sources say the Atlanteans were not human beings, and Finyet says it flatly when asked directly.
All four remaining peoples pass this test. Each separated from our ancestors long before our own species existed, which puts every one of them outside it.
So this criterion eliminates nobody, and that is precisely why it matters. It closes the argument.
Go back to where this section started. Two peoples who were not human lived permanently on this planet: the Lemurians and the Atlanteans. So any parahuman people detectable in our genomes is one of those two.
Three of the four remaining are outside Lemurian country. By elimination, they are Atlantean.
What this argument cannot do
The elimination rests on the four peoples having been here. That deserves examining, because the genetics cannot establish it.
Four things are measured, and it is worth seeing what each one gives.
Fragment length gives the date the DNA arrived.
Divergence gives how far the donor's line had drifted from ours before it came back.
The variety among the archaic fragments gives the size of the donor population. That is where the Veshuan figure of twenty-two to twenty-eight thousand comes from.
And the distribution across living peoples gives where the crossing happened.
None of the four gives the location of the donor. Length says when, divergence says how far, variety says how many, distribution says where we met them. A related population that spent half a million years on another world and then arrived here would produce the same four numbers as one that spent half a million years in Africa. Extraterrestrial peoples related to us are a real possibility in this account, and the measurements are blind to the difference.
So the sorting above cannot distinguish a parahuman people of this planet from an extraterrestrial one closely enough related to breed with us. Both look the same in the data.
One thing could be distinguished, and nobody has gone looking for it.
Ordinary crossing between related populations produces a particular architecture. Whole segments of chromosome are exchanged at the places where chromosomes normally break and rejoin, and the incoming material sits in its proper context with its proper neighbours. Deliberate engineering would produce something else: insertions at positions where nothing breaks, sequence with no relationship to what surrounds it, rearrangements of a kind that ordinary inheritance does not make.
That difference is real and it is detectable. Nobody has gone looking for it in the archaic fragments, because it has not occurred to anyone sequencing them that they might be looking at extraterrestrial material.
A second signal is available and partly usable already. Deliberate work on a population tends to start from a small founding group, which leaves a bottleneck: a narrow point through which everyone afterward descends, and which shows up as a shortage of variety in the resulting population. Where the variety is high, ordinary mixing is the likelier account. The Veshuan donor population, at twenty-two to twenty-eight thousand, is large enough that a bottleneck does not obviously apply.
So genetics is capable of addressing these questions and has not yet addressed them.
The thesis
The Neanderthals, the Veshuans and the Korimians are Atlantean, or descended from Atlanteans.
The Sildarians stay unassigned. They are inland, away from either coast, and nothing in the sources points at them in either direction. Nothing rules them out either, so they remain in view.
That conclusion needs its standing made clear. Nobody has matched a genome to an Atlantean, because there is no Atlantean genome to match against. What this is, is the result of taking the esoteric tradition seriously and sorting the parahuman peoples by the criteria that tradition itself supplies. It is an argument by elimination, and it is only as good as the premise that Lemurians and Atlanteans were the only parahuman residents of this planet.
One thing follows which fits the esoteric tradition rather than straining it.
The Korimians and the Veshuans are not the same people. Different depths, different distributions, different moments of return. So they are two different Atlantean peoples.
That is what the esoteric tradition would predict. The Theosophical account divides the Fourth Race into seven sub-races, each with its own country and its own history. Scott-Elliot names them and maps them. If Atlantis was seven peoples spread across a hemisphere and millions of years, then finding two surviving lines rather than one is the expected outcome, and two out of seven is a small return from a very long story.
The Neanderthals, PH1
Of all the parahuman peoples they are the one everybody has heard of, and for most people they are the only one. They are also the one most tangled up with our own history, since we lived beside them for tens of thousands of years and everyone outside Africa carries a piece of them.
Saying that the Atlanteans were Neanderthals sounds ridiculous, and it is worth admitting that before going further. The two words belong to different worlds. One is a lost golden civilization and the other is a museum diorama.
Who they were
They appear in Europe and western Asia around four hundred thousand years ago and they are gone by forty thousand years ago. Their territory ran from the Atlantic coast of Spain and Portugal, across France and Italy, through the Near East, and east as far as Siberia. That is a very long time and a very large country. Our own species has existed for three hundred thousand years, so the Neanderthals were here longer than we have been.
They were built differently from us. Shorter, around five foot five for a man, with a wide barrel chest and thick heavy bones. Their skulls were long and low, with a heavy brow ridge.
That is the face everybody knows, and the picture attached to it is a Victorian one. In that picture the Neanderthals are our predecessors: an earlier and cruder draft of the human being, dim, stooped, brutish, and rightly superseded. The heavy brow was read as the mark of a lesser mind. It became the standard image and it is still the standard image outside the field.
The science stopped believing it thirty years ago.
Their brains were the same size as ours, and often larger.
They buried their dead. They used pigment, which means they marked something, either themselves or their surroundings. They wore pierced shells. They made glue out of birch bark, which requires heating the bark to a controlled temperature with the air kept out, a process nobody stumbles into by accident. And at a cave called Bruniquel in southern France they built rings out of broken stalagmites, three hundred metres underground in total darkness, a hundred and seventy-six thousand years ago. That took fire, planning, and a number of people working together.
They were primitive. And they were no more primitive than the humans living alongside them at the same time. Through most of the period the two overlapped, the two were comparable.
So the brutish Neanderthal is gone from the science, whatever remains of him in the popular picture.
What the esoteric sources say about them
Blavatsky comes closest to claiming them for Atlantis. She puts the Palaeolithic cave men of Europe among the descendants of Atlantis, and she defends the Neanderthal skull against the small-brained caricature of her own century, insisting it held a brain of ordinary human capacity. She was right about that, seventy years before anyone measured it properly. The name she uses is Cro-Magnon, and in 1888 that word covered several kinds of ancient European at once, so what she meant by it cannot be settled from the page.
Finyet, the Atlantean voice speaking through Jim Charles, gives the fullest answer and it needs quoting carefully.
Asked about the genetic bottleneck in human ancestry, he calls it the seeding of the human population. There were errors, he says, because they brought evolution forward too quickly, and some of the early seedings resulted in the appearance of the Cro-Magnons and the Neanderthals. That is why evolution moved so fast: the experimentations. But that was not from the Atlanteans. Those were other species that did that. And during the period of Atlantis there was great experimentation with humanity going on.
So the Neanderthals were seeded, during the Atlantean period, by parties he assigns elsewhere.
That disclaimer would settle the question if it came from someone who knew. It does not, and Finyet says so himself in the same conversation.
He describes himself as one of the elders. The scientific community of Atlantis was advanced, he says, and the elders were on the spiritual side and were not interested in scientific advancement, because they held spirituality to be more important. And when asked for the percentage of Atlantean DNA in modern humans, he answers that the numbers were not available for all the things that were going on in the secret society of Atlantis.
That is a witness stating plainly that he was outside the work, in a civilization he describes as having a scientific society whose activities were not disclosed to him.
Enki, answering my own questions through the same channel, describes the Neanderthals as one of several early human kinds that were surveyed and experimented upon, and says the line finally used was a different one. A stock that was tested and set aside.
Khufu, also through Jim Charles, gives a whole session to them, describing Neanderthals and humans living alongside one another and mixing, with the humans helped with food while being studied. And one thing in that material bears directly on the question: the Atlanteans lived in cities, while the Neanderthals and the early humans lived in the wild.
What I take them to have been
Synthesising across the sources, I propose the following.
Atlantis was cities. Cities with an elevated culture, artificial climate, a scientific establishment, and a spiritual establishment that did not always know what the scientific one was doing. Outside the cities was wilderness, and in that wilderness lived the Neanderthals and the early humans.
The Neanderthals were Atlantean stock, hybridized and seeded out into that wilderness. Not Atlanteans of the cities. Descendants of Atlantean material, made for a different life.
And then they were outcompeted, and killed by us.
How they ended
The usual phrasing is that they disappeared around forty thousand years ago. That is a euphemism.
We killed them. And not only them. Seven parahuman peoples are detectable in human DNA, and every one of them is gone, and one species is left standing. That is not a coincidence.
Why we won is worth stating plainly, because it is not a compliment to us.
We lost telepathy, and we lost compassion, and what replaced both was competitiveness. That is what gave us the edge. A people who can feel what another is feeling does not easily destroy them.
The same loss brought other things. Restlessness. Willingness to experiment, to abandon what worked, to try what had not been tried. We changed fast, and they did not. And language developed further in us than in them.
The cost of it is visible now. We have no compassion for the natural world and not much for one another, and we compete even within our own species. The channeled sources describe the Neanderthals as kinder and more peaceful than us, and they held one way of life almost unchanged across two hundred thousand years.
We were the worse people and we won because of it.
How the mixing happened
Between one and four percent of the DNA of every person outside Africa is Neanderthal. The word usually used for how it got there is introgression, and the word usually used in plain speech is that it entered. Both are euphemisms.
The direction can be read from the DNA, and the method is a counting argument.
Women carry two X chromosomes and men carry one. So across any population, two thirds of all X chromosomes sit in women and one third in men, while the other chromosomes are split evenly between the sexes. DNA arriving through men therefore enters a pool where the X is underrepresented, and less of it ends up on the X than on the rest of the genome. DNA arriving through women does the reverse.
Neanderthal DNA on the X chromosome runs at sixteen to thirty-four percent of its level on the other chromosomes. Sharply reduced, which is the signature of DNA that came in through men.
So: Neanderthal men, modern human women, around fifty-five thousand years ago. Taking the ordinary reading of that pattern, they conquered us.
And it had happened the other way first. Around two hundred and fifty thousand years earlier, modern humans went into the Neanderthals, and the bias there runs female. Our men, their women. About six percent of the Neanderthal genome became human as a result.
We conquered them first. They conquered us afterward. And then we finished them.
Other biological mechanisms can produce the same pattern on the X, and they cannot be fully separated from this one, so the reading is not settled.
Where that leaves them
They satisfy the sorting. Atlantic coast. Not our species. Resident on this planet for four hundred thousand years. Present in every person outside Africa at a measurable percentage.
And not one esoteric source places them in Atlantis, while two point away from it.
That is not a refutation. Nobody has ever put the question to a channeler directly. It is the reason they cannot be called the answer, and the reason they may be a seeded experimental line rather than a lineage of the Race itself.
The Veshuans, PH6
The second of the three is a people nobody has ever seen.
No bones, no skull, no tools, no site, no grave. What they have is DNA, sitting inside people living on the Atlantic coast of West Africa. They were established in 2020, by Durvasula and Sankararaman, in a paper in Science Advances, and the finding has stayed inside population genetics since. The name used here is invented; they have none of their own.
They are found in four peoples. The Yoruba and the Esan of Nigeria, the Mende of Sierra Leone, and Gambians. In those four they make up between two and nineteen percent of a person's ancestry, depending on the individual and the population.
That is the largest amount of parahuman DNA carried by anyone alive anywhere in the world. Several times the Neanderthal share.
Their line separated from our ancestors somewhere between three hundred and sixty thousand and a million years ago, which is as deep as the Neanderthal separation or deeper. And the donor population was not a handful of people. The estimate puts it between twenty-two and twenty-eight thousand, which is a nation rather than a band.
The crossing back into our line is the least certain figure. It is dated anywhere from a hundred and twenty-four thousand years ago to nearly the present, which is a range wide enough to be worth naming as a range rather than a date.
Against what the sources ask for
The sortings above put the Veshuans through the criteria quickly. Taken slowly, the place is the striking part.
Scott-Elliot, writing in 1896 from Leadbeater's clairvoyant reading, does not say Atlantis was near Africa. He says the Atlanteans planted a settlement on the African mainland, on the coast where Ghana and western Nigeria are today, and that this settlement was the beginning of the Atlantean race. A named colony, in a named place, described as the origin of the whole people.
And the four peoples carrying Veshuan DNA are strung along that coast. The Yoruba and the Esan in Nigeria. The Mende in Sierra Leone. The Gambians in Gambia. All of them on the same stretch of West African shoreline, all of them looking out at the Atlantic. The DNA is in those four and nowhere else in the world.
So the place where an unknown parahuman people left its DNA is the place where Scott-Elliot said the Atlantean race began.
On quantity, Finyet's fifteen to twenty percent and the Veshuan nineteen sit close together, and the closeness should not be leaned on. Both figures are loose. It is worth having and it is not worth much.
On kind, the Veshuans separated from our ancestors before the Neanderthals did, which puts them outside our species by any measure a geneticist would use.
What cannot be said
Everything about the body. There is no Veshuan skeleton, no skull, no stature, no face, no tools, no burial, and nothing that can be carbon-dated. They exist as DNA inside living people and in no other way.
And no channeler has been asked about them. They were published six years ago into a specialist literature, and the question has never been put.
Where they sit in our own history
To see what this would mean, our own dates need to be in view.
Modern humans are about three hundred thousand years old. That figure comes from two directions and they agree. The oldest bones with a modern human face were found at Jebel Irhoud in Morocco and are dated to three hundred thousand years. And counting the differences in the DNA of people from all over the world today, and working backwards to when they last shared a common ancestor, gives two hundred and fifty to three hundred and fifty thousand years.
The line running back looks like this. Around seven million years ago our ancestors part from the ancestors of the chimpanzees. Around six hundred thousand years ago the line that becomes us parts from the line that becomes the Neanderthals and the Denisovans. Around three hundred thousand years ago the modern human form settles into what it still is.
Now put the Veshuans on that timeline.
Their line parts from our ancestors somewhere between three hundred and sixty thousand and a million years ago. That is the same window in which the mixture that became us was being assembled.
Which suggests a reading. Some Atlanteans went into that mixture. One group did not. That group stayed apart and stayed unmixed while the rest of us were built out of everything.
And then, at some point in the last hundred and twenty-four thousand years, they came back. Their DNA entered the peoples of the West African coast, and it is still there.
So what would be sitting inside those four populations is a comparatively unmixed Atlantean line, rejoining a heavily mixed one after several hundred thousand years apart.
That also explains why the Veshuans read as so distant from us. They are not distant because they are strange. They are distant because we are the mixture and they are not.
The Korimians, PH7
The third is the newest, and it was found this year.
Like the other ghost populations, they were found without a bone. The method is the one described above: look through living genomes for haplotypes, the blocks of DNA inherited as single units, and pick out those that are long and at the same time carry far more differences from ordinary human DNA than any human haplotype should. Those are the ones that branched away from our line and spent a long time evolving on their own before being put back in. Then see whether many such haplotypes cluster together and point back to one source. When they do, and when the source matches nothing ever excavated, a people has been found.
The analysis that produced the Korimians was published in July of 2026.
Their line separated from our ancestors around eight hundred thousand years ago, at about the same time the Neanderthal and Denisovan line separated. So they are a third branch off the same stem, at the same depth, and nobody knew they existed.
They contribute about one percent to every human being on this planet. Africans, Europeans, Papuans, everyone, in the same measure, wherever a person's ancestors come from.
Why the universality is the whole point
Every other parahuman contribution is patchy. Neanderthal DNA is absent from Africa and present outside it. Denisovan DNA peaks in New Guinea and thins to nothing in Europe. Veshuan DNA sits in four West African peoples and nowhere else.
That patchiness is information. It says the crossing happened after our ancestors had spread out, in one place, into one population.
Korimian DNA has no patchiness at all. And there is only one way for that to happen.
Our species arose in Africa and stayed there for most of its existence. Around sixty to seventy thousand years ago a group left and populated the rest of the world, and everyone outside Africa descends from that group. So anything found in both Africans and non-Africans, in equal measure, had to be present in the population before that departure.
The Korimian crossing is therefore older than seventy thousand years. The upper bound is our own species: there was no us before three hundred thousand years ago to receive anything.
Somewhere between three hundred thousand and seventy thousand years ago, then. Older than every other crossing on the list.
What that means for this inquiry
The esoteric sources put the Atlanteans on this planet before our species existed. Whatever they gave us was given early, at or near the point where our own kind was being assembled.
Of the seven parahuman peoples, the Korimians are the only one whose contribution reaches that far back.
Everything else came later, into a humanity already formed and already dispersing. The Korimian material was in us while we were still being made.
And the difficulty with that
Being at the root is what makes the Korimians a candidate. It is also what makes it impossible to say which of the peoples named by the channeled sources they were.
The esoteric account has twenty or more extraterrestrial races going into the founding mixture, alongside the Lemurians and the Atlanteans. Every one of them contributed at the same depth, in the same era, into the same ancestral population. All of them would leave the same signature in a modern genome: universal, ancient, and giving no location.
So the Korimians could be the Atlanteans. They could as easily be any of the extraterrestrial peoples who worked on us, and there were a great many of those. The genetic evidence identifies a real population and says nothing about which name in the tradition belongs to it.
What we know and what we do not
We know they existed. We know when their line parted from ours. We know roughly when they came back, and that it was early. We know they are in everyone, at about one percent.
We do not know where they lived. Nothing has been dug up, and nothing in the genetic measurements gives a location.
We do not know what they looked like. No bone, no skull, no stature.
And no channeler has been asked about them. They were published two months ago. The question has never been put to anybody.
That last one is the easiest to remedy, and it is the most obvious thing to do next.
The four set aside
Four of the seven were put aside during the sorting. They are worth a paragraph each, partly because three of them belong to the other half of this inquiry and partly because one of them remains genuinely open.
The Denisovans, PH2. Asia and the islands of the Pacific, with their inheritance peaking in New Guinea and Aboriginal Australia at around five percent. That is Lemurian country in every source that gives a geography for Mu. The argument for them is made in Part Two of this book. Nothing about them points toward Atlantis.
The Ravinians, PH4. The islands of Southeast Asia, which is the same country and the same conclusion. They have never been matched to anything sequenced, and their contribution has not been quantified. Lemurian ground.
The Tamekians, PH5. These are the oldest thing on the list by a long way, their line having parted from the ancestors of both us and the Denisovans around one point eight million years ago. They do not appear in us directly. Their DNA entered the Denisovans, and reaches living people only in those who carry Denisovan inheritance. So whatever they gave went into the eastern half of the story.
They are also the one population here for which an origin off this planet is worth considering seriously. Nothing of them has ever been found in the ground anywhere on earth. Their separation is far deeper than any other parahuman people. And they contributed to the Denisovans rather than to us, which on the Lemurian reading would make them a contributor to Lemuria itself.
The Sildarians, PH3. Southern and central Africa, inland, four to six percent in the Khoisan, the Mandenka and others. Their line parted from our ancestors very early.
They were set aside for being inland, away from either the Atlantic or the Pacific, and that reasoning is weaker than it looks. Populations move. The people carrying Sildarian DNA today live where they live now, which says little about where the Sildarians themselves were.
No source in the esoteric tradition points at them in either direction. Nothing rules them out. They stay in view, unassigned.
How humanity was made
The dates in the last few sections belong to a picture, and the picture is worth setting out plainly, because everything in this book depends on which of two versions of it is correct.
Ordinary biology reads the sequence as evolution. One species turning gradually into another under the pressure of circumstances, with nobody directing it. It reads it as a climb: bacteria, then fish, then apes, then us, each step an improvement, with the human being standing at the top.
The esoteric tradition says the opposite, and this is the claim this part of the book is making.
We did not come up from below. We were made downward. The material was extraterrestrial peoples of great capacity, together with the two parahuman peoples already living here, and what was made from them was smaller than what went into it. We are a reduction.
The Lemurians had been on this planet since before the dinosaurs ended. The Atlanteans came after them. And there were twenty or more extraterrestrial races involved, among them Lyra, Vega, the Pleiades, Sirius, Procyon, Tau Ceti, Andromeda, Arcturus, and the Reptilian, Grey and Anunnaki lines.
That list is only possible because everyone in it was already related. In my own sessions with Jim Charles, and in the published Bashar material, the account is that roughly forty percent of this galaxy is populated by descendants of the Lyrans, who are humanoid mammals of the same broad kind as ourselves. The separations out there run on timescales far longer than anything on this planet, and they are separations within one family.
The crossing was also done deliberately, in laboratories, by people who could try a thing and then try it again. That is how lineages far apart were made to breed at all.
The Atlanteans did a great deal of it themselves. Cayce describes underground laboratories beneath their cities where living beings were bred for labour, and in his account the destruction of Atlantis follows directly from the quarrel over what had been made there. Enki, channeled through Jim Charles, describes surveying the early human kinds and building a greater human out of the stock that suited. The Atlanteans were material for the experiments and also among the people running them.
And there was more than one line of work. Enki says the Arcturians held the Chinese and Asian region from the beginning, and that his own group did not interfere there. So at least two separate operations, run by different peoples, in different parts of the world, with their own interests.
Read that way, the dates stop being milestones of evolution and become stages of the experiments.
Six hundred thousand years ago the line divides, and more than one version is running at once. The Neanderthals are one of them.
Three hundred thousand years ago the modern human form settles into what it still is, which is the point at which one design held.
The human races came much later. They were produced by further introgressions of alien DNA into populations already established, and different capacities were put into different places. Those differences are what allowed the building of empires, and the spreading and multiplying of some peoples over others.
And none of it ended. The reproductive procedures described in the abduction accounts are the same work, still going on, in our own generation.
A qualification
The account above can be read as tidier than it was. It describes stocks being chosen and worked on, which suggests a small founding group each time. A small founding group is a bottleneck: a narrow point through which a whole later population passes, so that everyone afterward descends from a few. Bottlenecks happen and they leave a clear mark, since a population that passed through one carries much less variety than one that did not.
There is no need to assume the story ran that way throughout. A different picture fits the same sources. Colonies were planted here over a very long period, by different peoples, in different regions. Those colonies grew, and spread, and met one another, and interbred, and fought. Some absorbed others. Some replaced others. The whole time there were many populations on this planet, and what looks from a distance like a single line being worked on may be the surviving thread of something far busier.
On that reading the direct laboratory work is one part of what happened, and the rest is ordinary population history running its course between peoples who were already here. Colonies competing, merging, and taking each other over, with the deliberate interventions coming in at intervals.
Which would explain something the genetics keeps finding. There is no single clean line of descent in our ancestry. There are branches that separate and rejoin, contributions from populations nobody can identify, and evidence of mixture at almost every depth anyone looks. That is what a crowded planet leaves behind.